SOS TO COSATU OF SOUTH AFRICA!!

THE MBEKI AND SADC POSITION A LOAD OF IRRESPONSIBLE RUBBISH!

2007-08-28T07:11:00.000+02:00

Well, Mr Thabo Mbeki, The State President of South Africa has issued a lengthy statement (LINK) where he has shown the whole world where he and SADC stand as far as the Zimbabwean Crisis is concerned.

Firstly, that the Elections were heavily rigged (LINK!!!) is not an issue at all!

Secondly, that thousands of MDC members were physically assasulted and hundreds others murdered by State Agents(LINK!!!) is similarly not an issue at all!

Refer also(LINK!!!)

Thirdly, the fact that Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF were discarded by the Electorate BEFORE (NB BEFORE) the Infamous Land Invasions is not a material matter at all to Mbeki and SADC!

Fourthly, the fact that Mr Mugabe has presided over the very ZANU-PF for over 27 years without allowing the very ZANU-PF a chance to elect or re-elect him by the democratic Secret Ballot is completely irrelevant to Mr Thabo Mbeki and the various SADC "Excellencies."

Fifthly, the fact that Mugabe was clearly rejected by the Electorate in the controversial 2002 Presidential Election is not part of substance as far as Thabo Mbeki and SADC are concerned!

Knowing Mr Mugabe as we do, he would have excitedly gone through Tsvangirai's Election Petitions without any delay if he was sure he had won them by any margin!

His only statement at the moment is: "That Election Petition is 'frivolous' and 'vexatious'." What exactly does that mean???

We who were part of the rigging machinery know why and how those Elections were rigged!

I, Rev Mufaro Stig Hove, can give a delailed report of how WE (repeat) WE rigged those Elections.

This brings us to the question of the way forward as far as the Zimbabwean crisis is concerned.

Of major concern is for the "Opposition Forces" to clearly define themselves.

1. What exactly is it that they are opposing? They desperatelt need to clearly define their "bottom line."

Is it Robert Mugabe as a person meaning therefore that he must go at all costs regardless of the hurdles that continue to mount including the clear message from Thabo Mbeki and SADC? Please make that absolutely clear so that we who have vowed to support the Democratic Forces can see how we can go forward in support.

2.Can there be some National Vision which accommodates ZANU-PF and Robert Mugabe?

I, personally, know that Robert Mugabe's very survival depends on his remaining in that Office (even illegitimately as he is doing at the moment.)

So he has intelligently intertwined his fate with that of millions to completely confuse the original issues.

Some of us need to hear what the general position of the Democratic Forces is.

The whole nation is on its kneesat this very momentas we pursue our various "Quiet Diplomacies" etc!

I shouldn't describe the situation on the ground because any serious person knows that there is no economy to talk about in Zimbabwe at the moment!

The talk by President Mwanawasa that the problems of Zimbabwe are being exaggerated must be swiftly dismissed as coming from a timid lunatic who cannot stand and defend his earlier statement that Zimbabwe was a sinking Titanic!

Mbeki's hope that SADC on its own can rescue Zimbabwe is irresponsible rubbish!

Utter deliberate rubbish!

Even mighty South Africa can never close all outside doors and depend on its SADC neighbours only! Why does Mbeki not try it for his country just today??

Mbeki thinks their position as SADC is the only "Revolutionary and African" position and all others are mere "sell-outs" etc.

The heavy challenge on the shoulders of the Decratic Forces is to clearly and swiftly dissociate themselves from that dangerous perpective (of being viewed as 'sell-outs'.).

Of course its said 'Politics is a dirty game' but never ever relax when powerful leaders join the despicably evil Robert Mugabe in propagating that stinking propaganda.

The tragedy of the Democratic Forces is that they do not seek the help of serious patriots to assist in the "clearing of the air" as far as their position is concerned.

Lets identify each other and close ranks as true patriots and complement each other's efforts to counter the heavy Propaganda of Mugabe now joined clearly by Mbeki and Company!

The Democratic Forces have continued doing a pilgrimage to a clear crook called Thabo Mbeki!

What does Mbeki not know about the evils of Robert Mugabe? Refer to my article "Thabo Mbeki's proverbial long rope!" LINK!!!

Mbeki wants us to believe that South Africa will not play the "big brother" yet he completely ignores the cries of the very Zimbabweans when they describe issues that are not related to the land issue! Mbeki pretends to pursue a "Policy of Quiet Diplomacy" yet we who see through the mist see him actively supporting the rejected demagogue.

When did Zimbabweans start complaining about Mugabe encouraging "corruption" among his "chosen few"? Long before Mugabe's decision to pursue the "rectification of the Historical Land Imbalances."

Please kindly read my APPEAL TO ALL JOURNALISTS AND WRITERS! LINK!.

I swear by the Living God that if Mugabe gets the proverbial "last laugh", Tsvangirai etc will spend their lives in exile until that 83 year old demagogue passes away! Wake up Tsvangirai and Company!

Don't be naive!

But the consolation is that there is no serious investor that can take any investment to Zimbabwe while Mugabe is anywhere near the corridors of power!

Thabo Mbeki is a depicable crook if he wants us to think that there is an investor (except himself, perhaps) who can take anything to Zimbabwe even if Mugabe won a "free and fair" Election next year.

Even if Tsvangirai went round seeking the world to support the new Mugabe Regime (if there is one in 2008), no sane investor would go to Zimbabwe with investment.

The real tragedy of Zimbabwe is that Robert Mugabe will cling to power at all costs and all black leaders will have to support him or else risk being labelled "sell-outs."

So Thabo and Company think they will label us "sell-outs" and it will stick?

No, you are mentally unwell Thabo son of Govan!

If you think sending "millions of rands" to Mugabe is a permanent solution to the Zim crisis, then lunacy is your misguided position.

You will stand by Robert Mugabe through "thick and thin" and that's your decision!

But you will go down in History as having blundered using SA tax-payers' funds to prop up a despicably evil dictator that we, the humble people of Zimbabwe were trying at all costs to remove.

Do you honestly think that I, Rev Mufaro Stig Hove, a black man would refuse 3000 heactres of free prepared land and a farmhouse etc.?

Would I refuse to be part of ZANU-PF and get all the benefits eg businesses seized from white owners etc.?

So am I a "sell-out" because I say Mugabe has assassinated all his contemporaries since before Independence?

Am I a "sell-out" because I say Mugabe, Munangagwa etc got unfair benefit from the mineral resources in the DRC?

Am I a "sell-out" because I say Mugabe is a dictator who has never allowed even a simple secret ballot even in the private Politburo Meetings?

Mr Mbeki do you not know or you do not want to know?

Even if the Economy of Zimbabwe were returned to a "zero" inflation and there was prosperity such that there is a 100% employment etc., the truth is that Robert Mugabe is still an evil Devil that must go (and you Mr Thabo Mbeki know it very well as well.)

WHO ARE YOU FOOLING?

WHO IS FOOLING-A WHO???

TIME WILL TELL!

Lets keep in touch CDE President.

Yours in the true struggle for a Free Zimbabwe,

Mufaro Stig Hove.....Rev.

(mufarostig@yahoo.co.uk)

Cell: 0791463039 RSA.

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REV MUFARO STIG HOVE'S COMMENTS ON MBEKI AND OTHER SADC LEADERS!!!

2007-08-27T13:09:00.001+02:00

Well, Mr Thabo Mbeki, The State President of South Africa has issued a lengthy statement (LINK) where he has shown the whole world where he and SADC stand as far as the Zimbabwean Crisis is concerned.

Firstly, that the Elections were heavily rigged LINK!!! is not an issue at all!

Secondly, that thousands of MDC members were physically assasulted and hundreds others murdered by State Agents LINK!!! is similarly not an issue at all! Refer also LINK!!!

Thirdly, the fact that Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF were discarded by the Electorate BEFORE (NB BEFORE) the Infamous Land Invasions is not a material matter at all to Mbeki and SADC!

Fourthly, the fact that Mr Mugabe has presided over the very ZANU-PF for over 27 years without allowing the very ZANU-PF a chance to elect or re-elect him by the democratic Secret Ballot is completely irrelevant to Mr Thabo Mbeki and the various SADC "Excellencies."

Fifthly, the fact that Mugabe was clearly rejected by the Electorate in the controversial 2002 Presidential Election is not part of substance as far as Thabo Mbeki and SADC are concerned!

Knowing Mr Mugabe as we do, he would have excitedly gone through Tsvangirai's Election Petitions without any delay if he was sure he had won them by any margin!

His only statement at the moment is: "That Election Petition is 'frivolous' and 'vexatious'." What exactly does that mean???

We who were part of the rigging machinery know why and how those Elections were rigged!

I, Rev Mufaro Stig Hove, can give a delailed report of how WE (repeat) WE rigged those Elections.

This brings us to the question of the way forward as far as the Zimbabwean crisis is concerned.

Of major concern is for the "Opposition Forces" to clearly define themselves.

1. What exactly is it that they are opposing? Is it Robert Mugabe as a person meaning therefore that he must go at all costs regardless of the hurdles that continue to mount including the clear message from Thabo Mbeki and SADC? Please make that absolutely clear so that we who have vowed to support the Democratic Forces can see how we can go forward in support.

2.Can there be some National Vision which accommodates ZANU-PF and Robert Mugabe? I, personally, know that Robert Mugabe's very survival depends on his remaining in that Office (even illegitimately as he is doing at the moment.)

So he has intelligently intertwined his fate with that of millions to completely confuse the original issues.

Some of us need to hear what the general position of the Democratic Forces is.

The whole nation is on its knees!

I shouldn't describe the situation on the ground because any serious person knows that there is no economy to talk about in Zimbabwe at the moment!

The talk by President Mwanawasa that the problems of Zimbabwe are being exaggerated must be swiftly dismissed as coming from a timid lunatic who cannot stand his ground on his earlier statement that Zimbabwe was a sinking Titanic!

Mbeki's hope that SADC on its own can rescue Zimbabwe is irresponsible rubbish!

Even mighty South Africa can never close all outside doors and depend on its SADC neighbours only! Mbeki thinks their position as SADC is the only "Revolutionary and African" position and all others are mere "sell-outs" etc.

The heavy challenge on the shoulders of the Decratic Forces is to clearly and swiftly dissociate themselves from that dangerous perpective.

Of course its said 'Politics is a dirty game' but don't relax when powerful leaders join the despicably evil Robert Mugabe in propagating that stinking propaganda.

The tragedy of the Democratic Forces is that they do not seek the help of serious patriots to assist in the "clearing of the air" as far as their position is concerned.

The Democratic Forces have continued doing a pilgrimage to a clear crook like Thabo Mbeki!

What does Mbeki not know about the evils of Robert Mugabe? Refer to my article "Thabo Mbeki's proverbisal long rope!" LINK!!!

Mbeki wants us to believe that South Africa will not play the "big brother" yet he completely ignores the cries of the very Zimbabweans when they describes issues that are not related to the land issue!

When did Zimbabweans complain about Mugabe encouraging "corruption" among his "chosen few"?

Please kindly read my APPEAL TO ALL JOURNALISTS AND WRITERS! LINK!.

I swear by the Living God that if Mugabe gets the proverbial "last laugh", Tsvangirai etc will spend their lives in exile until that 83 year old demagogue passes away!

But the consolation is that there is no serious investor that can take any investment to Zimbabwe while Mugabe is anywhere near corridors of power!

Thabo Mbeki is a depicable crook if he wants us to think that there is an investor (except himself) who can take anything to Zimbabwe even if Mugabe won a "free and fair" Election next year.

Even if Tsvangirai went round seeking the world to support the new Mugabe Regime (if there is one in 2008), no sane investor would go to Zimbabwe with anything.

The real tragedy of Zimbabwe is that Robert Mugabe will cling to power at all costs and all black leaders will have to support him or else risk being labelled "sell-outs."

So Thabo and company think, they will label us "sell-outs" and it will stick?

No, you are mentally unwell Thabo son of Govan, if you think sending "millions of rands" to Mugabe is a permanent solution to the Zim crisis.

You will stand by Robert Mugabe through "thick and thin", that's your decision!

But you will go down in History as having blundered using tax-payer's funds to prop up a despicably evil dictator we, the humble people of Zimbabwe were trying at all costs to remove.

Do you honestly think that I, Rev Mufaro Stig Hove, a black man would refuse 3000 heactres of free prepared land and a farmhouse etc.?

Would I refuse to be part of ZANU-PF and get all the benefits eg businesses seized from white owners etc.?

So am I "sell-out" because I say Mugabe has assassinated all his contemporaries since before Independence?

Am I a "sell-out" because I say Mugabe, Munangagwa etc got unfair benefit from the mineral resources in the DRC?

Am I a "sell-out" because I say Mugabe is a dictator who has nver allowed even a simple secret ballot even in the private Politburo Meetings?

Mr Mbeki do you not know or you do not want to know?

Even if the Economy of Zimbabwe were returned to a "zero" inflation and there was prosperity such that there is a 100% employment etc., the truth is that Robert Mugabe is still an evil Devil that must go (and you Mr Thabo Mbeki know it very well as well.)

WHO ARE YOU FOOLING?

WHO IS FOOLING-A WHO???

TIME WILL TELL!

Lets keep in touch CDE President.

Yours in the true struggle for a Free Zimbabwe,

Mufaro Stig Hove.....Rev.

(mufarostig@yahoo.co.uk)

Cell: 0791463039 RSA.

THE INTERVIEW BY THEARCHBISHOP PIUS NCUBE!

2007-05-09T12:20:00.001+02:00

PLEASE CLICK BELOWAND SEE AND HEAR FOR YOURSELF!

http://youtube.com/watch?v=bHb_VwTIPm4

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URGENT "STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS" FROM THE OFFICE OF THE EXECUTIVE PRESIDENT!

2007-05-03T07:17:00.001+02:00

"STATE OF THE NATION" ADDRESS BY YOUR PRESIDENT!

I think there is a bit of confusion in our beloved country of Zimbabwe today!

Who ever said I won the Presidential Elections of 2002?

I never said so!

All I said was Tsvangirai's Election Petitions are "frivolous and vexatious."

I also pleaded with all patriots to "recognize" me as the Executive President.

I am the only person who can keep this country of Zimbabwe together!

If I removed myself from the top seat, the country will degenerate into chaos (racialism, tribalism, regionalism and all the negatives you can think of!)

Now we are in this whole mess because you simply refused to do the obvious- JUST RECOGNIZE ME. PERIOD!

Do you honestly think Tsvangirai can run this country?

I'm very disappointed with you, my fellow countrymen!

Running a country is a very complicated, delicate task!

You do your best and you are still accused of not doing your best!

WHO REALLY COULD HAVE MANAGED THIS ECONOMY BETTER THAN ME?

Now about the so-called rigging and the so-called-violence!

Your focus should be on the major issues!

Would we really stand by and allow Mr Blair to re-colonize our country, take away our Sovereignty and take over all our resources?

Would you allow someone to take your wife and you just stood by?

Please lets be very serious, Ladies and Gentlemen, Comrades and Friends!

About assassinations:be very careful!

This may break the whole Nation apart!

Who killed Cde Hebert Chitepo?

So why do you ask who killed General Josiah Magama Tongogara?

About the so-called "Truth and Reconciliation Commission!"

Where and when do we start?

Who will remain without blood on his hands?

Do you know how Dr Parerenyatwa died? Was it Smith's men or was it an internal struggle?

So will you raise the dead to ask them to testify?

Then last but not least: where in the world are "perfect people"?

The words "rigging", "assassinations" etc are English words!

Are they Shona words?

MUTIKWANIRE! (STOP THIS LUNACY!)

Please recognize me, rally behind me as your God-given father and lets move forward and re-build our Nation!

About the unfortunate isolated incidents in the Southern part of our country (the so-called "Gukurahundi Massacres"), please lets not open old wounds!

The Ndebeles can be very naive if they think we have forgotten their vicious raids against our peace-loving Shona people in the 1890s!

Please let all bye-gones be bye-gones!

MAY THE GOOD LORD ABOVE BE WITH YOU ALL!

Yours Faithfully,

ME.

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MBEKI'S 'INDECENT HASTE' SLAMMED BY NIGERIAN PARTIES!

2007-04-30T16:32:00.001+02:00

Nigeria`s opposition chides Mbeki for congratulating Yar`Adua

http://www.angolapress-angop.ao/noticia-e.asp?ID=528152

Lagos, Nigeria, 04/30 - The opposition umbrella group Nigerians United for Democracy (NUD) has sharply criticised South African President Thabo Mbeki for sending a congratulatory message to the president-elect of Nigeria, Umaru Musa Yar`Adua.

In a statement issued in the capital city of Abuja Sunday, NUD said Mbeki`s "indecent haste" in supporting Yar`Adua had deepened the agony of Nigerians over the elections, described by local and international observers as the worst elections in the country`s history.

The opposition coalition wondered why the South African President chose to ignore the report of the observers that the election that produced Yar`Adua was massively rigged, hence it was totally unacceptable to Nigerians.

"By his hasty congratulatory message, Mbeki has aligned with those who wilfully thwarted the sovereign will of the Nigerian people by stealing their votes, just like he has aligned with the oppressors of the Zimbabwean people in Southern Africa," NUD said.

"One wonders if Mr. Mbeki`s sense of good judgment has been so blurred by selfish considerations, including the oil concession given to his country by Nigeria and the increasing takeover of the Nigerian economy by South African countries, that he could not spare a thought for the good people of Nigeria," it added.

NUD reminded the South African leader that Nigerian masses sacrificed so much to help end apartheid in his country, adding: "South Africa is free today thanks to God and all freedom-loving nations, especially Nigeria, whose people stood solidly behind their brothers and sisters in South Africa."

According to the group, a coalition of opposition political parties and civil society organisations, Mbeki`s predecessor, Nelson Mandela, stood "shoulder to shoulder" with the Nigerian people when the country found itself in a similar situation in 1993.

The statement also disagreed with the position of AU Chairman, Ghana`s President John Kufuor, that the Nigerian polls were "peaceful", saying by hailing as "peaceful" an election in which scores of people died, the AU chairman had succeeded "in making a laughing stock of Africa and its leaders".

"Africa has remained poor because of the antics of leaders like Mbeki and Kufuor, who have continued to condone the misdeeds of their peers who subject their citizen to sub-human existence through anti-people policies, greed, selfishness and outright incompetence," the group said.

It warned other leaders not to toe the line of Mbeki and Kufuor, adding: "The Nigerian people have opened a black book into which your names will be written, so that coming generations will never forget your ignominious role in the country`s hour of darkness."

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THE SO-CALLED "QUIET DIPLOMACY" IS NOT THAT QUIET!

2007-04-23T12:32:00.001+02:00

SABC prevents staff access to SW Radio Africa website

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news200407/sabcshame200407.htm

By Tererai Karimakwenda

20 April, 2007

We have received extraordinary information that journalists at the South Africa Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) are denied access to SW Radio Africa's website for news on Zimbabwe. Any attempt to access our web address returns a message that says "Access to the requested URL has been denied by SABC Policy."

We asked several journalists and an editor at SABC to access our website on Friday. Without exception they were blocked by this message, denying them access. We then contacted the head of television news, Amrat Manga, and he told us he was not aware of the policy because he does not know SW Radio Africa and had never visited the site. He said the station got its news on Zimbabwe from journalist Supa Mandiwanzira who is the SABC correspondent in Zimbabwe.

SABC is described as a public broadcaster, but this and other developments, suggest it is under the control of the state. Last year a list came to light of several political commentators who were banned from being used by SABC. The blacklist included Zimbabwe's Archbishop Pius Ncube, publisher Trevor Ncube and human rights activist Elinor Sisulu. A documentary showing a darker side of Thabo Mbeki was also not aired after the broadcaster dropped it claiming it was 'unbalanced and defamed the President.'

Reverend Nick Mkaronda, director of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition South Africa Chapter, said he was not surprised to hear SABC blocks access to our site as most people are aware of a deliberate policy at SABC to support Mugabe in it's reports on Zimbabwe. He said sometime ago they received information that certain people from Zimbabwe had been denied interviews because they were critical of Mbeki and it was SABC policy not to interview them. He added: "We don't think it is acceptable for any broadcaster in any part of the world to be denied information because these are the very problems we are dealing with in Zimbabwe. And when you have journalists working at the SABC being denied information, what does it mean for the ordinary people who are poor and suffering as a result of the policies of our leaders."

"It is unacceptable because it is a violation of human rights at a national level in terms of South Africa's constitution and laws, at a regional level in terms of the values espoused by SADC, and at a continental and international level.

These issues raise concern about Mbeki's suitability as the man to help resolve the Zimbabwe crisis.

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POSITION PAPER PRESENTED TO HIS EXCELLENCY, CDE THABO MBEKI!

2007-04-20T15:51:00.001+02:00

Towards a negotiated settlement

In Zimbabwe:

A position paper prepared by the Peoples' Policy Committee (PPC) to His Excellency the President of the Republic of South Africa in his capacity as the mediator to the crises in

Zimbabwe

1. Introduction

Following the SADC extraordinary summit held in Tanzania on 28 March 2007, the People's Policy Committee (PPC) which is a network of Zimbabweans based in the

, would like to put forward its preferred position as regards the proposed 'SADC Initiative'. We begin with a tacit acceptance that

Zimbabwe

's crisis is an African problem requiring an African solution. The time has come for new, concrete proposals, promoted by African leaders and implemented by Zimbabweans from all political and ideological hues, to restore hope to

Zimbabwe

. On that note, PPC welcomes SADC's decision to appoint President Thabo Mbeki as the mediator to the actors in the protracted social conflict in

Zimbabwe

. It is hoped that his mediation shall tame the hydra of violence currently sweeping across the country and also usher in a new democratic dispensation. This position paper is premised on the assumption that His Excellency President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa is willing to consider submissions from voices other than those stakeholders so far invited to attend the consultative meetings in South Africa. Given the extraordinary and grave conditions now obtaining in Zimbabwe and the significant population of Zimbabwean exiles living here in the UK some of whom are members of our pressure group on whose behalf we are acting, it would be remiss of us not to make appropriate representations to the SADC-initiated process. The major issues and expected minimum outcomes from the process are largely a common cause. Accordingly, we restrict our inputs to those matters the further resolution of which will, in our assessment and in light of our country's chequered history, help create and deliver more enduring value, peace and national integration to all the people of Zimbabwe. In this context we would therefore have to address such issues as the aim of the negotiations, the creation of an enabling environment for genuine negotiations, the nature of the mechanisms for negotiation and therefore the question who would sit at the negotiating table, the cessation of human rights abuses, the possibility of the formation of a transitional government, the duration of the negotiations and the role of the international community in the negotiated resolution of the crises in Zimbabwe.

2. Multilateral negotiations

The People's Policy Committee (PPC) would like to submit to the mediator that the problem of

Zimbabwe

is so huge such that inter-party dialogue would be a limited an approach to it. It is hereby proposed that if any negotiations are to take place to end the hostilities and build durable peace and democracy in

Zimbabwe

, then those negotiations including the pre-negotiation agenda-setting phase should be all inclusive. It is the view of PPC that the mediator should extend the consultative informal talks to the members of the civil society, church, professional bodies and any other stakeholders who are keen to make such positive interventions in

Zimbabwe

. The perception that only the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) factions and the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU PF) party legitimately represent the aspirations of the people of

Zimbabwe

and should therefore be engaged on the negotiations is incorrect. A case exists for an all-inclusive process comparable to that which ushered independence and democracy to

South Africa

in 1994. In the context of

Zimbabwe

, this would bring together the coalition of democratic forces currently operating under the Save Zimbabwe Campaign in addition to the ruling party and external observers from UN, AU and SADC. If the press reports emanating from Pretoria are anything to go by, PPC would unequivocally and unreservedly endorse the mediator's stance on insisting on a broad-based crisis resolution approach.

3. Enabling Conditions for Negotiations

In consonant with other stakeholders, PPC strongly affirms the position that formal talks should only take place after the government has repealed some repressive pieces of legislation such as the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) as well as the Broadcasting Services Act (BSA).On that note, the government should drop charges and release a legion of activists who are illegally being held in police cells on charges based on these unconstitutional laws. It is also the submission of PPC that the constitutional amendments that have been proposed by the ruling party should give way to the wholesale constitutional reform as enunciated in section 4 of this position paper. In furtherance of this constitutional condition, PPC would like to join many other voices including the 'Save Zimbabwe Campaign' in calling for the new constitution before the next presidential and parliamentary elections. As a matter of urgency the state should renounce violence on its citizens, stop abductions of activists and opposition members as well as refrain police brutality against innocent citizens. It is the considered view of the PPC that the EU should not lift the targeted sanctions on the ruling elite until the formal negotiations are underway and the government has demonstrated fully its commitment to allow a democratic transition process to take place in the country. PPC would also like to challenge the international community to enable all the actors, large and small with resources for them to participate fully at levels of the crisis resolution process.

4. A New Democratic Constitution

The position of the PPC is that the genealogy of the current problems in

Zimbabwe

is traceable to the National Constitution. Any diagnosis and prescription to the crisis which preclude the constitution is flawed and therefore irrelevant. The Lancaster House constitution was not cast on stone. Indeed it had been the expectation that in time, a new home grown supreme law of the land would be enacted by the people of

Zimbabwe

themselves in order to satisfy their local needs and realize their national aspirations. This is not the same thing as the piecemeal re-branding of the same document undertaken by the incumbent government over the years to satisfy its narrow partisan interests of keeping power at all costs. That there are serious limitations and flaws in the current Lancaster House Constitution and that these have given rise to issues of governance is widely accepted. More compelling however is the fact that this constitution has resulted in a highly centralised unitary system of government which we submit is unsuitable for a future democratic

Zimbabwe

. That the incumbent government has manipulated the constitution to entrench itself and the interests of its constituents is accepted but this is only a symptom of a problem arising from use of an inappropriate constitutional model coupled with individual greed and propensity for excesses. Re-branding of the existing constitution in the hope that a new government emerging from next year's elections would act in good faith and achieve enduring national integration is too large a risk to take now bearing in mind the genocide and trauma suffered by minority ethnic groups particularly the Ndebele in south western Zimbabwe from 1982 1987, the so called 'Operation Clean Up' which left 700 000 people homeless and the so called Chimurenga 3 which crushed the agriculture sector. It is for these reasons that PPC advocates for the mediator to help the various actors in

Zimbabwe

to constitute an 'All Stakeholders Convention' (ASC) to work out a new constitutional framework that shall usher in a new democratic order in the country. Participatory constitution making is today a fact of constitutional life as well as a good in itself. A democratic constitution-making process is critical to the strength, acceptability, and legitimacy of the new era in Zimbabwe.Inorder to avoid the recurrence of the current problems in the future PPC strongly advocates for a people driven constitution which shall take into account the histories, cultures, grievances and aspirations of all its citizens. In our view, it is only through effective decentralization of authority to autonomous regions/provinces in so doing creating self-perpetuating institutions such as those that would emerge under our recommended union constitutional blueprint, would human rights and equality of all Zimbabweans be adequately protected and entrenched. Experience in new democracies and old, demonstrates that if human rights are not adequately protected initially, it will be difficult to do so later.

We further recommend that the president's term of office be limited to a maximum of two five year terms

Ministers appointed under the new constitution should be subject to confirmation by parliament both at central and provincial governments' level.

The judiciary must be an independent branch of government and not be under the Ministry of Justice. The judiciary should control its financial and administrative affairs free from executive involvement, though necessarily subject to parliament's ultimate control over the budget.

The agreed constitution should be subjected to approval by the people through a referendum supervised by SADC and the African Union and observed by the international community.

The agreed constitution should be subject to review by an expert commission at ten year intervals.

The new Constitution must provide representative, accountable and multiparty government; respect for the rule of law; and the promotion of the fundamental human rights of all Zimbabweans.

5. Transitional Processes

PPC would like to propose the following sequence as a roadmap towards the resolution of the crises in

Zimbabwe

Prenegotiation Phase: - The mediator to consult the actors across the spectrum in order to set the agenda for the formal negotiations. These consultations can take the form of secret talks as already been happening but they should as a matter of principle be open to all stakeholder in

Zimbabwe

. The Prenegotiations are viewed by PPC as meant for bridging the chasm that lie across the various actors; the outcome of these meetings should be made known to the public at the appropriate time.

All Stakeholders Convention (ASC):- An All Stakeholders Convention composed of civil society, political parties, media , faith-based organisations, women , youths and student movements as well as all sectors of society that are willing to contribute to this process should be constituted. The ASC should be organised into working groups so as to deal conclusively with all the critical issues in the crisis. PPC would like to propose the following working groups; (a) constitutional reform (b) land reform (c) electoral reform (d) truth recovery (e) economic recovery. The working groups would report to ASC for debate and approval The talks should lead to a power-sharing agreement on a transitional government, including opposition and civil society in key government posts, a new constitution, demilitarisation of state institutions, a new voters roll, a program of administrative and legislative reform guaranteeing genuinely free and fair elections on an agreed schedule and emergency economic recovery measures that could lead to full resumption of external financial support after elections. The stakeholders should agree on the composition and establishment of an interim authority to oversee the country's transition to democracy.

Dissolution of Parliament: - Incumbent president's departure from office when his term expires in March 2008 followed by the takeover by an interim government. An interim government would take responsibility for the basic administrative functions of the state until a new government is elected later in the process. Constitutional amendments such as are required to facilitate the creation of an interim government should be passed by the current parliament in the spirit of the SADC-led Initiative. As the process of normalising the constitutional and political situation develops, the international community should withdraw the targeted sanctions and other restrictions applying to the Zimbabwean government and initiate steps to assist in restoring democratic order and economic recovery in

Zimbabwe

Interim Government: - The All Stakeholders Convention should establish a transitional government, which should include the members of the opposition, civil society and the ruling party and provide for a rotating transitional presidency.

The mandate of the Interim government should include the following among others:

q organisation of a referendum for a new constitution and drawing up of a new voters roll; and

q Implementation of the transitional articles of the new constitution

q Professionalisation of security and uniformed forces

q Repatriation of Zimbabwean community in the diaspora

The international community should be available to provide assistance to this process when required by the Zimbabwean negotiators. PPC would recommend that the African Union Force be deployed to give protection to the Interim Government.

Elections:- Following the ratification of the new Constitution, preparations should begin for new elections to be held no later than the end of 2008.The elections should be held under a new democratic constitution. The new constitution should provide for an Independent Delimitation Commission, 'Independent Electoral Commission', Media and Information Commission as well as the Security and Defense Commission all of which should be constituted in time to run both the Referendum and the Presidential/parliamentary elections. These elections should be based on the SADC principles and standards of holding democratic, free and fair elections. In that regard, the current electoral laws should be amended to meet the SADC principles and standards. The electoral reforms should also provide for the diasporans vote. An estimated 4 million Zimbabwean adults now live in exile outside

Zimbabwe

and have been disenfranchised by the incumbent government. PPC recommends that suitable arrangements be made to restore in full the voting rights of this community in time for the referendum as well as the parliamentary and presidential elections. International observers should be present to monitor the elections, to oversee the transition from the interim government to the new elected government, and to ensure that the elections are free and fair.

6. Truth recovery process

PPC would like to put it forward to the mediator that, for the purposes of building sustainable democracy in a failed state such as

Zimbabwe

, there is a need for a truth recovery process. While accepting the genuine doubts and fears around the issue of 'Truth', it is clear that many victims and survivors of the crises in

Zimbabwe

believe that some formal collective examination and acknowledgement of the past is necessary for them to find closure. The idea of truth recovery processes is based on the concept of 'transition', from crisis to peace or from one government to another. At its most basic, a truth process is meant to mark the end of one difficult era and the beginning of a new and better one. It is completely unacceptable, disrespectful and insensitive for any political leader to arrogate or appropriate to himself/herself the right to grant pardon to individuals that sponsored and committed human rights atrocities and state sponsored terrorism since independence in 1980. With or without a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, only the people of

Zimbabwe

can determine whether or not to take legal action against those who committed crimes against humanity and genocide against defenseless citizens. We would caution that this is a highly delicate matter which if not handled sensibly, could trigger conflict and war in future. The political leadership should honestly and publicly acknowledge responsibility for past political violence due to their acts of omission and commission. This would be seen as the first and necessary step having the potentiality of a larger process of truth recovery. When acknowledgement is forthcoming, we recommend that measured, inclusive and in-depth consideration be given to establishing an appropriate and unique truth recovery process. For this to develop, a team with local and international expertise should be established using a fair and transparent method to explore the specific feasibility of such a process.

The specific purpose of a truth recovery process:

Promote reconciliation, peace and healing; and to reduce tensions resulting from past violence;
Clarify and acknowledge as much unresolved truth about the past as possible;
Respond to the needs and interests of victims;
Contribute to justice in a broad sense, ensure accountability and responsibility for past actions from organisations and institutions, as well as potentially from individuals;
Identify the responsibilities of the State, of military and police, and of other institutions and organisations for the violence of the past; and to make recommendations for change that will reduce the likelihood of future conflict.

The truth recovery process can take the form any of the following:

Truth and Justice Commission

Historical Clarification Commission

Truth and Reconciliation Commission

7. Reconstruction

The new government would face the daunting challenge of entrenching democracy and peace, rebuilding the battered economy and resuscitating collapsed social services. The negotiations should thus, come up with an economic recovery framework. The economic reconstruction is crucial to restoring order and providing social security for the generality of the population. Without it, the negotiated settlement will be meaningless to the general public. PPC would like to recommend the implementation of an emergency economic recovery plan to curb inflation, restore donor and foreign investor confidence and boost mining and agricultural production, including establishment of a Land Commission with a strong technocratic base and wide representation of Zimbabwean stakeholders to recommend policies aimed at ending the land crisis. To this end PPC would like the negotiators to engage with the Brettonwoods institutions at various levels of the negotiation process inorder to build the confidence for their engagement in the reconstruction phase of this conflict resolution process.

10. Conclusion

In lieu of conclusion, PPC would like to ask the mediator to invest in its belief because it is made in good faith for the benefit of present and future generations of

Zimbabwe

. We further recommend that you take into account views from a broad cross section of Zimbabweans both individuals and groups. We highly value and appreciate the leading role that the SADC and the South African government are playing in trying to reach a negotiated settlement in

Zimbabwe

, and hope that this will continue under the form of an All Stakeholders Convention (ASC) to establish a constitutional order. Should the government of

Zimbabwe

maintain its strategy of terror, human rights abuses, violation of democratic principles, and their disrespect of the rule of law by violently repressing popular pressure for a democratic constitution, free and fair elections, we challenge the SADC, AU, and all other international institutions to completely isolate it. When all is said and done, we recognise that history does not offer a nation many such moments as one that our beloved

Zimbabwe

now has to rediscover its identity and sovereignty by among other things writing a new people driven constitution.

We thank you for this opportunity.

[1]PPC/DOC/14/04/07

[1] The Peoples 'Policy Committee (PPC) is a network of Zimbabweans based in the

. It is a non governmental and non partisan net work of individuals and organisations whose core business is to influence public opinion towards the resolution of the crisis in

Zimbabwe

Contact Details

PPC

The People's Policy Committee

Number 8 Darcy Gardens

DAGENHAM EFFEX

RM 9 6BS, UK

TEL 00442080904153/00442084912228

FAX 00441964775003

peoplespolicycommittee@yahoo.com

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THE FULL STORY OF THE MDC!

2007-04-20T13:31:00.001+02:00

THE MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE.

The Developing Crisis.

We are a product of unique historical circumstances. Our shared history of injustice and suffering impelled and determined our birth as a force for democracy in Zimbabwe, and our perceived common destiny continues to bind us as we struggle for a deliberately defined and better future.

Throughout the 1990's the current regime simply abdicated the sacred responsibility to govern. It subverted the popular mandate bestowed by the people and became a regime of cronies superintending the welfare and economic well being of a few at the expense of the majority of Zimbabweans.

The political and economic fortunes of the country were rapidly sliding into political decay and economic collapse. Democracy was being slowly strangled and ultimately gave way to a vicious primitive dictatorship. People's voices were virtually excluded from the management of public affairs, their own affairs, and a supposedly benevolent dictatorship was substituted for democratic consultation and democratic processes.

The collapsing economy spewed hundreds of thousands of workers into chronic unemployment and poverty in the urban areas, while in the rural areas millions were driven out of the mainstream economy, with their labour yielding only subsistence existence. Levels of poverty never before experienced in this country were fast becoming a permanent condition of existence. Mortality rates plummeted as the health sector collapsed and hospitals became totally dysfunctional; school dropout rates reached alarming levels as people concentrated on the crisis of daily sustenance and public funding dwindled and general infrastructure collapsed leaving vast swaths of the country virtually inaccessible.

For the people, poverty seemed to defeat all possibilities of relief and redress. Hope was replaced by general gloom and despondency. Then, as now, the only exit route, literally was to wait for eventual certain death from hunger, disease or political violence. The entire population was in a trap.

All these woes were not natural catastrophes. They were a deliberately crafted strategy of rulership by the regime. Poverty was deliberately invented and maintained. The central strategic objective of the regime was to create poverty as an instrument to make the people depended on handouts, thereby render them unquestioningly available to the rapacious caprices of unbridled dictatorial rule. As a captured weapon in the hands of the dictatorship, poverty became a tool to ruthlessly enforce political docility.

The People's Response-- The National Working People's Convention (NWPC).

In the context of this fast developing national crisis, the broad democratic forces in Zimbabwelabour, women and youth organizations, civic groups, informal sector workers, students, peasants, the churches etc.,---were impelled by the common dire circumstances to come together under the auspices of The National Working People's Convention (NWPC), review the situation and chart a path towards a common liveable future. The NWPC's diagnosis of the crisis yielded a compelling path forward.

The NWPC accurately characterized the manifestations in the socio-economic field, the subversion of the separation of powers, the destruction of democracy and the democratic process, the serial violation of human rights, the general refusal to be accountable and to consult the people on all issues that affected them and a repressive constitution that fails to recognize and guarantee popular sovereignty.

These were correctly identified by the NPWC as simply symptoms of the general malaise. The root cause being a systematic failure of governance. Therefore, only a political solution could lay the basis for resolving the problems confronting the country. The NWPC Agenda for Action was anchored on two fundamental principles: (1) The critical need for a just people's constitution and (2) crafting of policies that met the basic needs of the people. These fundamental principles, in themselves charted and impelled a path towards a sustainable political and economic dispensation for Zimbabwe .

All the democratic forces that assembled under the banner of the NWPC were under no illusion that about the practical import about the adopted resolutions and policies in general and the Agenda for Action in particular. They were both to be, and could only be implemented by a government that issued from a strong, democratic, popularly driven and organized movement of the people. There could be neither substitutes for nor short cuts to the vehicle that was to deliver social liberation. The people had to deliver their own method for liberation and there was a palpable hostility to any strategy that turned the people's resolve and movement into handmaidens that sought to reform and sanitize the current dictatorship or be party to any brokered deals designed to achieve the same diabolical result and neutralize the undiluted thrust of the people's organised interests.

The perceived movement, which was expected to eventually issue a redeeming popular government, was to be a broad people's movement, strongly wedded to recognising and protecting the independent roles and mandates of the various organisations of the working people. Clearly, this was a firm instruction and unequivocal mandate to for the movement to immediately maintain the operational unity created by the NWPC and launch and sustain the democratic struggle as a broad united front until democracy is achieved.

As we gather here today, some among have got tired and went astray. They have defied the operational parameters defined and mandated by the NWPC. Today they are openly and shamelessly sending signals and overtures to the tyrannical regime for an empty compromise whose sole purpose is the achievement of individual political power that is bereft of people's interests. Such is the nature of the tragic betrayal that has befallen the democratic forces in Zimbabwe over the past few months.

But the mainstream democratic movement has remained resolute. The MDC has remained loyal and maintained an unwavering commitment to the values and operational strategies charted by the NWPC. As we move on from this historic National Congress let us be more united and craft and implement policies that ensures that our inevitable liberation will be the product of and owned by all the broad democratic forces in Zimbabwe . The road has been long, perilous and difficult, but we shall prevail.

MDC Inaugural Congress.

The NWPC developed a National Agenda and identified how to carry it forward. That delivery vehicle became the MDC. Consequently, the MDC inaugural congress in February 2000, as with its formation in September 1999, was guided by the spirit, values, policies, resolutions and strategies of the NWPC. The party has remained faithful to the peoples' ideals as expressed in the Agenda for Action by the NPWC. The Inaugural Congress set the stage to launch our blueprint to capture the various interests of the people into a broad programme of action to be implemented by an MDC government.

Over the past six years, we have formulated policies for our Political, Economic and Social Agenda that capture and express the political economic and social interests of the majority of Zimbabweans and we continue to celebrate our unity in diversity as a democratic movement with rich shared values and hopes.

All our policies and activities have consistently demonstrated an unwavering commitment to replacing the status quo with a popular, legitimate government driven by the people's democratic force and anchored in a popular constitution. We continue to resist and neutralize all diabolical attempts to trap the movement in a groove of compromise with the dictatorship.

Through these relentless efforts, the MDC has now developed to become a central force on the Zimbabwean political terrain. Our performance in all local and national elections has demonstrated nationally, regionally continentally and indeed internationally that we are now the only dominant democratic political party in Zimbabwe today. We have scored major victories over the past six years and Congress has every reason to proudly recount and openly celebrate them. They are no mean achievements in the midst of tyranny.

THE OPERATIONAL POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT.

The valiant political victories that the movement scored were not won on a peaceful democratic political marketplace. Instead, they were snatched from the jaws of tyranny. We accepted, paid and continue to pay a heavy prize for using democratic methods against a political opponent who is totally contemptuous of, and violent to democracy, democratic processes and methods. For that we have no regrets.

Over the past six years, the party has been subjected to such a violent traumatic experience that today we can proudly claim that few political opposition political parties in modern times have survived the same levels repression as those consistently targeted, with the full might, of the state against the MDC. We have passed the test. Now we must prepare to govern with the resilience, fortitude and determination as have seen us survive the darkest and most dangerous times in the post independence history of this country.

The February 2000 Constitutional Referendum and The June 2000 Parliamentary Elections.

From the time of the formation of the party we were engaged in two battles: one organisational; the other defensive. Between the formation of the party in September 1999 and the Inaugural Congress in February 2000 the party concentrated on the establishment of an effective organizational structure on the ground. Wards, branches, district and provincial structures had to be established and stabilised and the party message had to percolate to the remotest villages.

Tragically, this intended programme of intensive mass mobilization had to be combined with a strategy to defend the nascent party structures and supporters against a ferocious onslaught from the ruling party backed by all state organs at its disposal. It was a clash of two political cultures. We sought to introduce a culture of peace, tolerance and democracy where dictatorship once reigned supreme.

With the party still in its infancy, we found ourselves going into a mobilization battle against the regime sponsored Constitution which was intended to render the dictatorship the natural political order in Zimbabwe . While the process of party building was in progress, we had to simultaneously rally the people of Zimbabwe to reject that gigantic confidence trick that the regime sought to bring under the guise of a "new" Constitution. Immediately after the Constitutional Referendum the party had to embark on the June 2000 parliamentary election campaign.

We operated daily under the sound of hostile gunfire with both the party structures and supporters targeted for destruction, the intention being to kill once and for all the idea of democracy, democratic processes and governance in Zimbabwe . Was remained of democratic culture had to be buried.

State-sponsored violence, the magnitude of which has no parallels in the post independence history of this country was unleashed and enveloped the country, creating such conditions of insecurity that for many of the party supporters, life expectancy began to measured in seconds rather than years.

The entire population was brutalized. Murder, rape, kidnappings and general violence became instruments of governance by the regime. Private property was routinely destroyed and there was a general breakdown of law and order. Law enforcement became heavily politicised along partisan lines and a supposedly protective state became a predatory one. The state became a captured instrument in the hands of the dictatorship. Every state organ and agent was turned into combatants against the MDC. Youth militias and rogue elements of the so-called war veterans marauded the country the country as virtual freebooters with specific instructions to destroy the MDC. It was virtually a war against the people. We had no state or legal protection and we had to craft our own survival methods and strategies. We prevailed.

The referendum campaign laid the context in which the violent political practices and pernicious, malicious and repressive legislation, which define the dictatorship today, were established and refined with each subsequent political campaign.

This hostile and dangerous political environment did not deter the MDC from its central objective of mobilizing the people to reject a proposed constitution that sought to entrench dictatorship and enslave them in perpetuity. The party successfully combined the tasks of party building, mass mobilisation and resistance, to defeat for the first time, and cut back the tentacles of tyranny. The people rejected the regime's draft constitution.

It was a glorious victory for the brutalised people of Zimbabwe ; but much more significantly, it was a victory for democracy. It laid the foundation upon which future generations will continue to build an enduring democratic culture in our country. For the first time since independence, the people of Zimbabwe realised that with political power in their hands they can defeat injustice and lay a foundation for a future of their choice.

The referendum result was critical because it demonstrated to the entire world that the people of Zimbabwe were solidly behind the MDC and that the regime's claim to be a people's government was totally false. The crisis of governance in Zimbabwe became a matter of international public opinion because there was now a clear demonstration that the regime had lost the confidence of the people.

For the party as a whole, the message and lesson learnt is loud and clear: The people of Zimbabwe demand to craft their own constitution. Congress must therefore reaffirm its commitment to realising this objective through the methods demanded by the people.

Emboldened by the result of the February Constitutional Referendum the party prepared for the June 2000 parliamentary elections with courage and determination. Our comprehensive Election Manifesto captured and expressed the broad interests of the people of Zimbabwe for long time neglected by the regime. The Agenda for Action of the NWPC constituted the launching pad of our message. We effectively transmitted a message of hope, relief and national revival to the long-suffering people of Zimbabwe .

We promised a peaceful democratic culture under a people's constitution; effective and impartial law enforcement; judiciary independence; land reform; general economic recovery, job creation, poverty eradication and freedom from hunger. All these were promises broken by the regime over a period of 20 years of violent misrule.

With a systematic record of failure, neglect and arrogance the regime had no tangible issue to project, no credibility to deliver believable promises. They had neither fresh policy nor old programmes to repackage and sell to the people. The regime stared at certain electoral defeat and the only electoral policy and strategy available was that of violence, which was officially unleashed without let or hindrance.

The violence that was unleashed during the February Constitutional Referendum was intensified and given a new impetus. The regime abandoned any semblance of democracy and legality. State-sponsored violence became the mode of day-to-day governance. Murder, torture, rape and all kinds of human rights violations against MDC members and supporters became regular electoral campaign events, with the perpetrators enjoying open state support and protection.

Groups of war veterans and ruling party youth militias with open state material and political support roamed the length and breath of the country murdering and terrorising innocent people at will. There was a total breakdown of law and order induced and orchestrated by the state and the civil administration of the country had virtually collapsed and replaced by a power structure resembling martial law. The election was conducted in political conditions that resembled a war zone.

Under the guise of the so-called "land reform," widespread violence sealed off the rural areas from MDC campaigns, and crimes that can only rival fascism and Nazism in scale and wickedness were unleashed against the people. A well planned, systematically implemented and effectively managed infrastructure of violence left virtually no room for free political campaigning.

Our parliamentary candidates and party election workers could not campaign freely and were prime targets of the regime's violence. Some had to abandon their homes and constituencies, while others operated virtually underground. Hundreds of thousands of our party supporters were physically prevented from casting their votes. At many polling centres, the electoral system had been manipulated to "net-in" only those believed to be ruling party supporters.

Electoral violence was complemented by authoritarian electoral management machinery and administrative dictatorial powers both of which ensured that the election was stolen before even the first vote was cast. There was extensive use of the dictatorial presidential powers in support of regime appointed agencies such as the Election Directorate to achieve the desired fraudulent outcome.

Changes to the electoral laws to bend the process in the regime's favour were made only a few days before the poll. Handpicked civil servants in the Election Directorate supported by shadowy security agents ran the poll in place of an Independent Electoral Commission. Poll observation was routinely obstructed by the regime with some election observers denied accreditation. Overall, this combination of violence, presidential dictatorial powers and a ferocious bureaucratic stranglehold on the electoral process was meant to totally obliterate the electoral chances of the MDC.

However, in spite of the hostile and dangerous political environment in which we mounted our electoral campaign, the MDC's poignant message could not be stopped. Through our newly created party structures we were able to disseminate our message to the remotest villages in the country and devise effective strategies to protect members and supporters from the worst excesses the regime's violence.

The atrocities perpetrated by the regime began to attract widespread international attention and condemnation. Consequently we galvanised the region, the continent, the commonwealth and the entire international community to our democratic cause.

From June 2000 until today, the tyrannical regime has remained on the radar of international attention. Democratic forces through the world have rallied behind us to ensure that the regime justly gets the pariah status that it has brought upon itself. Our internal responses to violence and external outreach programme have been quite effective. Zimbabweans and majority opinion and organisations in the international community rejected both the electoral process and outcome.

However, the election results demonstrated the determination of Zimbabweans to reclaim their freedom. Voter determination and turnout were so strong that the regime's violence and rigging mechanism could not alter the result in the 57 constituencies that we won; while in 39 other constituencies, evidence of electoral fraud was so overwhelming that the regime had to manipulate the judiciary system to ensure that MDC election petitions received inordinate delays.

By 2005, not a single election petition had received a fair hearing and concluded at the courts and they had to fall by the way side because of fresh parliamentary elections that were due. If the 2000 parliamentary election had been conducted the most basic or rudimentary conditions of freeness and fairness, the MDC would have easily netted in between 90 and 100 seats. We would have started the process to usher in an MDC administration.

The June 2000 parliamentary election was therefore a major victory for the people and the party. In addition to the regime's defeat at the referendum the parliamentary elections three months later demonstrated once again that the regime had lost the legitimacy to govern and remained in power through the use of force.

The crisis that started with the referendum was exacerbated by the fraudulent elections. From that time until today the regime has sacrificed every facet of national life and the general welfare of the people of Zimbabwe on the altar of sheer political survival. Dictatorial rule became increasingly totalitarian as the regime sought to control every aspect of society.

During the period between the June 2000 and the March 2002 presidential election the regime waged war against the MDC and all democratic forces in Zimbabwe . Our definition as a civilian law-abiding political party was removed and we were publicly pronounced as enemies of state and therefore targets of the most vicious administrative action. Illegal action on ordinary party supporters by the police, army and security agents occurred with frightening regularity with absolutely no means of legal redress.

MDC leaders and political activists were routinely arrested and brutalized on trumped up charges and political violence continued throughout the country. Human rights violations became a critical instrument of control and governance for the regime. Labour and civic organizations continued to be targets of violent state action and illegal arrests and detentions. Independent media journalist were constantly harassed and arrested and newspapers banned. Church leaders were demonised for speaking out against the regime's record of violence and torture and women's organisation were singled out for the most degrading and inhuman treatment. The whole society was held to dictatorial ransom. The objective was to cow down the entire population into submission.

These actions of physical violence and intimidation were complemented by draconian legislation designed to buttress an infrastructure of dictatorship otherwise maintained by brute force. Using its fraudulent majority in the parliament, the regime bulldozed all voices of reason, passed the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) to prescribe and nearly proscribe political activity, close down democratic political discourse, and shrink democratic space. POSA's sister legislation, the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) targeted and muzzled the press to immunize the regime's corruption and brutalities from public scrutiny. These pernicious pieces of legislation were complemented by the ever-present severe and unwritten methods of tyrannical rule and law enforcement.

The tyrannical political terrain that was created made it virtually impossible for the MDC to function normally as a political party engaged in democratic political activity. It was an attempt to deliberately nudge the MDC into violent precipitous action and thereby provide an excuse for the regime to accuse the party of insurrection, use all the might at its disposal and crush and ban the movement.

We refused to fall into this diabolical trap. In spite of the daily acts of provocation that we endured, we remained committed to peaceful democratic methods of resistance. We launched various acts of peaceful defiance and civil disobedience to confront the regime constantly. The party remained strong and the various democratic mass actions that we engaged in demonstrated to the regime that the people's quest for their freedom remained undefeated.

The March 2002 Presidential Election.

The state-sponsored violence that was unleashed during the June 2000 parliamentary elections was sustained and intensified during the intervening period leading to the presidential election. The entire state machinery operated virtually like a gigantic violent organ of the ruling party targeting the MDC.

Violence against us became a system of government administration and a command structure stretching from the remotest village up to the ruling party headquarters in Harare ensured the installation and maintanance of an extremely efficient infrastructure of violence, which touched every region, and aspect of national life.

The Defence Act, Police Act and the relevant sections of the Constitution were operationally suspended for the purpose of fighting the MDC. The overall army commander openly called for an insurrection should a legitimately elected MDC government come to power and all the other service chiefs openly associated themselves with that statement. The police and the secret service actively participated in campaigning for the ruling party and some committed openly criminal acts with impunity, and units of the army made frequent forays into the high-density suburbs to brutalise innocent civilians. Law enforcement virtually collapsed and any criminal act against the MDC and in support of the ruling party was officially sanctioned.

A number of our supporters were killed for holding their particular political opinions and the systematic violation of human rights reached a new crescendo. Leaders and party supporters were frequently harassed, arrested and detained under trumped up charges and well laid out ambush plans for the assassination of some members of the leadership miraculously failed. What was supposed to be a democratic inter-party political contest assumed the ominous proportions of the state against an unarmed political party. The volatility of the political situation nationally could only be described as one of low intensity conflict.

This violent situation was complemented by the existence of the newly promulgated draconian anti-democratic laws designed to snuff out all those democratic practices and processes that could not be destroyed by violence alone. POSA criminalized legitimate political debate and the freedom of association and assembly while AIPPA crippled the freedom to disseminate democratic ideas through the press. The movement virtually became a besieged party operating under a barrage of physical and paralegal attacks from the state and the ruling party.

At the height of the electoral campaign three MDC leaders including the party president were hauled before the courts on trumped up charges of treason. This was a deliberate, cynical and vicious attempt to decapitate the party and cause chaos, confusion and hopelessness among the membership. The trial dragged on for over a year and the charges were thrown out of court. Resources, which had been reserved for several party programmes had to be deployed for the defence of the leadership. However, in spite of this attempt to strangle the party, both the leadership and the generality of the members struggled on with the campaign heroically.

The electoral playing field was extremely uneven, tilting in favour of the ruling party. The voters' roll was chaotic, with many ghost voters while hundreds of thousands of both old and new voters having been left out of the roll. This shambolic nature of the voters was exacerbated by the arbitrary amendment of the citizenship laws, which deprived hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans of their citizenship and the right to vote.

There was no independent electoral body. The Election Directorate and the Registrar-General's department stuffed by the regime's nominees and ruling party loyalists, functioned virtually as a rigging mechanism for the government. Military personnel performed key duties in the electoral process and the entire election administration system became militarised and presided over by a civil-military junta. The critical part of the democratic process could neither be expected to be superintended by, nor democracy to issue from such a highly compromised system.

In spite of all the bureaucratic impediments and incessant state-organised violence, Zimbabweans were determined to rid themselves of this tyranny. They turned out in their thousands to cast their vote and the reaction of the state turned the voting process into chaos. In the rural areas some polling stations were closed well ahead of time, while in the urban areas police had to violently intervene using helicopters, teargas and truncheons to stop people from casting their vote.

The result clearly demonstrated the much-anticipated MDC victory. The regime took time to announce the election figures and when they did they issued contradictory figures, which clearly demonstrated serious problems in manipulating an MDC victory into a defeat. Once again, through violence and the abuse of the state apparatus, we were cheated of our victory. Zimbabweans and the bulk of the international community are aware of this victory and the illegitimacy of the present regime.

We took the only route that seemed available to us at the time and petitioned the High Court. The long-drawn out legal battle is still in process and we do not expect any justice from the manipulated judiciary system. However we approached the court because we believed that it would provide us with a platform and opportunity to reveal to Zimbabweans and the international community how the presidential election was stolen.

The Internationalisation of the Zimbabwe Crisis.

Since the February 2000 Constitutional Referendum the focus of the international region and the international community had been trained on the evolving violent political situation in Zimbabwe. Many countries and organisations had been expressing grave concern at the violence deteriorating human rights situation in Zimbabwe. The African Union, Commonwealth, the European Union and the United States of America all made serious attempts to persuade the regime from waging war against defenceless people.

Other organisations such as the International Bar Association and the World Council of Churches added their voices to no avail. The response of the regime was to pour vitriol on any voices of reason, claiming that it had the right of might to treat Zimbabweans any way that pleased it. It banned a selected group of countries, foreign non-governmental organisations and perceived to be critical from entering Zimbabwe and observing the election. The election was to be conducted away from the scrutiny of the international community.

The Commonwealth Conference that took place in Australia shortly before the presidential election failed to persuade the regime to put in place measures to enable the holding of free and fair elections, but ended up setting a troika composed of Nigeria, Australia and South Africa to try to broker a solution to the Zimbabwe crisis. A series of diplomatic engagements by the troika yielded virtually nothing, as the regime spurned any and all political formulae meant to dismantle the dictatorship in order to resolve the crisis of governance.

The persuasive efforts of the European Union and the USA could not derail the regime's efforts to maintain illegitimate political power at any cost. It was the regime's hostility towards all these international overtures that brought about targeted sanctions by the USA, EU Australia and New Zealand against the regime and its key supporters. The intransigence of the regime created for it conditions. We as a movement had absolutely no hand in that development. We did not and do not control political processes and foreign policy in those countries. The actions of the regime internationalised the crisis because the international community no longer regards human rights violations as a domestic matter, contrary to the regime's despicable claims.

The Commonwealth troika took the initiative soon after the elections to diffuse the potentially explosive political situation that gripped the nation after the stolen election and called for dialogue between the MDC and ZANU PF. The mandate of the troika was to promote reconciliation between the two political parties in order to create a political environment conducive to addressing the issues of food shortages, economic recovery, restoration of political stability, the rule of law and the conduct of future elections. South Africa and Nigeria were to foster this engagement. The dialogue started in April 2000.

We were committed as a party to exploring all avenues towards resolving the crisis of governance in the country peacefully and we agreed to engage the regime in dialogue in good faith. We chose a team to carry the party's political position to the talks within the confines of a strict mandate. Our position was that the goal of national dialogue must be based on an unconditional return to legitimacy through a presidential poll that was free and fair under peaceful political conditions. The negotiating team was tasked to demand that before serious dialogue could start the regime had to implement fourteen (14) confidence-building measures that restored a situation of tranquillity conducive to fruitful talks. These included:

1. An immediate stop to the violence that engulfed the nation.

2. An end to all political persecutions and political prosecutions.

3. The immediate disbanding of all ZANU PF militias and immediate cessation of further training.

4. The disarming of all war veterans and guarantees that they will not be rearmed and that they will not be rearmed and that they will not engage in political activities as an armed group operating virtually above the law, but only as ordinary Zimbabwe citizens.

5. An undertaking not to grant amnesty for the perpetrators of murder, rape, torture political violence and other serious crimes.

6. Am immediate stop to on-going human rights violations of all kinds.

7. An end to selective and biased law enforcement. Police should be non-partisan in the execution of their duties.

8. An end to the use of the Central Intelligence Organisation for partisan political activities.

9. A stop to the use of the Zimbabwe Defence Force (ZDF) in civilian policing duties or political activities of any kind.

10. Respect and impartial enforcement of the rule of law.

11. Repeal of the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA).

12. An end to the use of the national broadcaster (ZBC) as a partisan media instrument.

13. A commitment to stop the legislative use of Presidential powers in these areas, undermining the authority of parliament.

14. A commitment to humanitarian ethics of food and relief distribution on grounds of need, without partisan or adverse distinction of ant kind.

It is important that the party is fully aware of the accurate mandate given to the negotiating team. Our position was that before any meaningful talks could be entered into, all these 14 confidence-building measures were to be implemented by the regime in order to create a peaceful political environment conducive to dialogue.

The inter-party dialogue was convened in early April 2002. The opening session was devoted to the reading of opening statements and expressions of political positions, the exchange of position papers and it was agreed to resume a few days later in April 2000 for deliberations on substantive issues. It was anticipated by the facilitators that the talks should be concluded by early May 2002. At the next meeting held on April 10 2002, the inter-party team agreed on the rules of procedure during the deliberations and the agenda for discussions.

The agenda closely mirrored the concerns raised by the MDC in our confidence-building position paper and agreed that there was an urgent need to create conditions for normal political activity. The critical issues agreed to were as follows:

A. Creating conditions for normal political activity.

1. Legitimacy of elections and government.

2. Sovereignty of Zimbabwe.

3. Multipartism in Zimbabwe.

4. Confidence building measures in Zimbabwe.

5. Politically motivated violence in Zimbabwe

6. Constitution and laws of Zimbabwe.

B. Economic development/ recovery plan and mobilisation of resources.

1. Consensus on land reform----Abuja process.

C. Way forward.

1. Adoption of Programme of work.

Both the MDC and ZANU PF had agreed to the above agenda. Our negotiating team went fully prepared to engage in serious discussions. ZANU PF however realised that they had been put in a corner from where there was little hope of escape except to take part in the dialogue seriously and they started looking for flimsy excuses to break away from the talks. Their first salvo was to ask for in an inordinately long and unreasonable adjournment to 13 May 2002 ostensibly because the ministers in their team claimed prior government commitments. Their other reason was that they needed time to prepare for substantive discussions on the agenda items.

ZANU PF maintained a precondition for serious talks to begin. They insisted that the MDC should not take the matter of the rigged election and therefore the illegitimacy of the regime to court. We rejected this condition but indicated that we would consider abandoning the legal route if in our opinion the talks progressed satisfactorily and fruitfully.

There was a court deadline for the submission of our election petition and we continued with our preparations to submit the required court papers. The court deadline for the submission of our election petition fell within the period before the resumption of the talks and our legal team filed the papers on the due date. ZANU PF used the submission of our court papers as an excuse to break the talks and walk away. They argued that the court processes should be exhausted first before dialogue, if need be, could resume. Four years later, the courts have not even begun to hear the main case in our election petition.

It is clear that the regime had no intention from the very beginning to engage in serious political dialogue to resolve the political crisis in the country. They came to the talks under serious internal and external pressure. Internally the rigged election had created high levels of political tension which could have exploded at any time; and externally many countries were piling pressure on the regime to engage the MDC and chart a way forward in resolving the crisis. The regime agreed to the talks to give the appearance talking as a strategy to diffuse both internal and external pressures.

As indicated above, our main election petition has been pending for over four years now and there are no indications that the hearing will take place any time soon. We won the right to examine all election materials pertaining to the presidential poll but the Registrar General engaged in delaying tactics to frustrate us in this exercise and when the materials were finally provided, our examination team realised that the seals on a number of ballot boxes had been tampered with. The election materials could not be of much use to our case. There does not seem to have been any readily available remedy. ZANU PF refused to negotiate, while the state placed bureaucratic obstacles and the courts have since engaged in delaying tactics to hear the case.

Quiet Diplomacy.

The troika's efforts to broker dialogue between the MDC and ZANU PF were scuttled by the open intransigence of the regime but the dispute remained internationalised. The regime became extremely isolated. Nigeria and South Africa intermittently tried to come up with fresh moves, all systematically spurned by the regime. Ultimately, South Africa decided to go it alone and launched its so-called quiet diplomacy, which turned out to be a ploy to gradually reduce international pressure on the regime and assist it to regain recognition and legitimacy by the back door.

Any action on several international fora by any country or countries; group or groups or progressive individuals to resolve the Zimbabwe crisis immediately receives stiff opposition from South Africa. Efforts by the international community to create effective mechanisms to bring the regime to account for its record of misrule have been systematically blunted by South Africa. It has successfully fought more battles on the international fora to protect the regime than the regime itself could have achieved. In our genuine pursuit to leave no stone unturned in the quest for a peaceful resolution of the crisis, we have met with the South Africans on numerous occasions encountered but achieved no positive outcome. We acme to the conclusion that South Africa was only interested in buying time for the regime and regarded the MDC as the junior partner in the political equation which must do ZANU PF's bidding. We reject that without any equivocation or apology.

South Africa has arrogated to itself the right to veto any initiatives on Zimbabwe, which are likely to produce a resolution to the crisis that is inimical to the dictatorial interests of the regime. It has become part of the problem rather than engage in honest brokerage to produce a resolution of the crisis that furthers the interests of the region as a whole.

While we are not sealing off contacts with the South African government, we are now extremely sceptical about their sincerity as honest brokers in the crisis. It is up to the South African government to redeem their bona fides as fair players and honest brokers in the Zimbabwe crisis of governance.

Mobilising the People----The June 2003 Mass Action.

After the collapse of the inter-party dialogue we followed the only logical course available to the party. We went back to the people to explain, to strengthen our party organs and structures and generally mobilise them to engage in peaceful mass action to confront a tyrannical and arrogant regime. State sponsored violence did not stop; instead it was intensified as a measure to keep a restless population subdued. Arbitrary arrests, harassment of civilians by soldiers, impartial law enforcement and human rights violations all continued unabated. The population became besieged by a regime bend on extracting legitimacy from the people violently.

This situation of low intensity conflict was exacerbated by the collapse of the economy. In the urban areas, thousands of workers lost their jobs as companies closed. Food shortages became acute as the effect the chaotic "land reform" programme began to take its toll. Chronic neglect in the rural areas and the politicisation of food aid saw millions starving. The effects of HIV/Aids ran riot, as the bankrupt regime failed to provide for both medical and welfare relief. The population was being assaulted from all angles. The people were constantly beleaguered.

It was in this context, where all democratic avenues were closed and no hope for socio-economic relief that we sought to mobilise the people and demonstrate to the regime that the people are not prepared to endure arbitrary rule indefinitely.

The June 2003 peaceful mass action indicated clearly that the MDC was the legitimate authority in the country with the undoubted popular allegiance of the majority of Zimbabwe. Our goal was never to seek a violent confrontation with the regime as claimed by our detractors; instead, we intended to lay bare to the region and the international community that the regime remained in power only through the use force. It was therefore an illegitimate regime. For five solid days the forces of democracy under the leadership of the MDC, brought the country to a standstill and the regime could only react to our initiatives. We resisted all provocation, which the regime intended to use as an excuse for a formal declaration of a state of emergency in order to destroy the party, and our structures remain intact and resilient. We called off the protest when we were satisfied that our objective had been achieved.

The response of the regime was predictable. All the security forces were placed on red alert against a defenceless people embarking on no-violent mass action. A lot of brutalities were committed against unarmed people during the period of the mass action itself. Hundreds of people were arrested, detained and tortured for no preferred or proven charges and released without trial. After the mass action people going about their business peacefully in their neighbourhoods were routinely brutalised by uniformed forces without any recourse to the protection of the law. The regime continued to trample on people's political and civil liberties with impunity.

The Struggle for the Restoration of Genuine Democratic Elections in Zimbabwe----RESTORE!

In spite of the brutalities associated with the suppression of our mass action, we did not succumb to tyranny. Instead the democratic resistance gained momentum throughout 2003 and 2004. Our democratic resistance was organised around five key democratic demands, which constituted the minimum standards for the restoration of genuine democratic elections in Zimbabwe. We applied constant pressure for the regime to:

1. Restore the rule of law.

2. Restore basic freedoms and rights.

3. Establish an Independent Election Commission.

4. Restore public confidence in the electoral process

5. Restore the Secrecy of the ballot

We believed that these principles, based on the SADC Parliamentary Forum Election Norms and Standards, and are common in most SADC countries, were and are a prerequisite to the exercise of our fundamental human rights and we demanded that the regime legislated them into place before the 2005 parliamentary elections. These demands were not new, instead they run through the entire MDC political programme since the formation of the party.

We mobilised a sustained campaign of domestic and international agitation that was quite effective. Our demands were captured by the SADC region and transformed into a programme of action. SADC formerly adopted the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections in 2004. The party took a principled position that no democratic value could be added to the nation if we took part in future elections under conditions that were tailor-made to rig the poll in ZANU PF's favour before even the first vote was cast. That step was intended to ensure that the fake legitimacy, which the regime derived from staging a semblance of competitive electoral politics, would be removed.

The regime could no longer violently ignore our demands since the whole regions' attention was then focussed on the electoral conditions in Zimbabwe ahead of the March 2005 parliamentary elections. For the first time since the June 2000 parliamentary elections, it had to concede at least to some of the demands, which it believed did not seriously undermine its tyrannical rule.

In response to local and regional political pressure, the regime used the parliamentary process to introduce superficial electoral innovations. A so-called independent electoral commission, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) and the use of translucent ballot boxes were legislated into force. In addition, the electoral laws were tightened to make extremely difficult to approach the courts seeking a nullification of the election results on the basis of ZANU PF violence, intimidation, denial of food and other human rights violations.

We remain opposed to the manner in which ZEC was introduced, its composition and its preponderant political leanings. It is clearly not an independent body. Our proposal was that the two parties should discuss the composition of an independent electoral commission and then pass on the agreed position to parliament to effect the relevant legislation. That way the neutrality and political independence of the electoral body could be guaranteed and become generally acceptable to all Zimbabweans.

Instead, ZANU PF bulldozed the process and used the parliamentary route so that its fraudulent majority could ensure that both the format and composition of ZEC would safeguard the political interests of the ruling party. The chairman of ZEC and the majority of the commissioners are known ZANU PF activists and can in no way be regarded as independent. In addition, ZEC was not a constitutional body, but remained subservient to the Electorate Directorate and the Electoral Supervisory Commission, all of which functioned openly as ZANU PF organs. It arrived on the political scene as a highly compromised and partisan body and no free and fair elections could be expected from its activities.

The simple introduction of translucent ballot boxes without addressing the critical issues of the political environment in which the electoral contest took place did not improve strengthens the democratic process. Translucent ballot boxes on their own did not stop vote rigging, intimidation and all other irregularities. Overall, the electoral "reforms" were simply cosmetic and designed to ward off regional pressure for an even electoral playing field. These reforms were subverted and ultimately did not significantly change the rules of the electoral game, increase room for political fair play or enhance the democratic process.

We remained resolute that no useful purpose could be served by participating in elections under those conditions. However, the leadership listened to wise counsel from the membership, from our supporters, the region, the continent and the international community. The gist of the advice was to take part in the poll, demonstrate the glaring democratic electoral reform deficit, re-establish and re-affirm the yardstick against which the dictatorship could continue to be evaluated. The arrogant insincerity of the regime had to be exposed.

The March 2005 Parliamentary Election.

We decided to take part in the March 2005 parliamentary elections under protest because it was clear to the party that the electoral playing field was tilted heavily in favour of the ruling party. POSA made the campaign conditions extremely difficult. Through POSA, ZANU PF regulated all our campaign activities through the requirement that the police sanction all political meetings---from rallies to confidential political strategy meetings. Using the police and the security agents, the regime was able to eavesdrop on all our sensitive preparatory political meetings, and this cannot be acceptable in a normal functioning democracy.

The voters' registration process was haphazard and the voter's register itself was still grossly inaccurate and thousands of potential voters were still not in the voters register and the newly created ZEC had not started to function. It had neither personnel nor resources. Although the campaign itself witnessed a noticeable reduction in instances of physical violence, the infrastructure of subterranean intimidation and other forms of human rights violations remained quite effective.

In the rural areas, the entire state administrative machinery was transformed from normal functions to serve as a vast ZANU PF intimidation structure. ZANU PF district councillors and chiefs openly intimidated villagers to vote for the ruling party and threatened dire consequences should the opposition win at identified polling stations. In some areas villages suspected of opposition sympathies denied food relief while in other areas the distribution of food relief was withheld pending the outcome of the election and they were threatened with food denial should the MDC win at polling stations in their locality.

Access to food became a critical inimidatory factor in the rural areas. In addition the electoral law ensured that candidates were absolved and immunised from irregularities arising from the activities of their supporters. This meant that unless all the incidences of violence and food denial could be proved to have been perpetrated by the particular ruling party candidate in a given constituency, the opposition party had no form of legal redress.

Party loyalists manned the election process. Known ZANU PF supporters and activists were engaged as returning officers and served in other critical capacities while security agents played a key role in the whole process. This process of swamping the entire election administration machinery with ZANU PF operatives created the context in which vote rigging, including simple ballot stuffing was executed. The counting of the votes was chaotic with contradictory figures being released for some constituencies, while in others the number of votes cast were suspiciously high for a normal election; and the party was not represented at the national vote coordination centre.

There is absolutely no doubt that the vote was rigged given the circumstances in which it was conducted and the heavily biased election administration machinery that conducted the poll. We came back with a reduced representation of 41 seats but in our calculation the party actually won in about 94 constituencies. Consequently the party gathered evidence in about 16 constituencies where rigging was so extensive that an impartial judiciary would have considered them open and shut cases and found for the opposition.

However even the legal route was closed to us. The Electoral Court that the regime set up patently unconstitutional. All our efforts to have the situation rectified were resisted and we felt that we could not subject ourselves to the jurisdiction of an unconstitutional court, which meant that the cases fell by the wayside.

The regime continued with its onslaught on the people. Over the past six years, the regime has been creating poverty rather than wealth and jobs as a means to control and subjugate the people. Now it has come up with a new and more devastating strategy: To eliminate the poor who are the products of its own handiwork. This has been the sole objective of the so-called "Operation Murambatsvina." Millions of people have had their homes and livelihoods destroyed and lived in the open through the bitter cold months of 2005. What kind of a housing programme is it that starts by destroying people's homes and rendering them homeless? Operation Murambatsvina was nothing but an open war against the people. It was a matter of the ruling party using the state apparatus to launch a pre-emptive strike and throw into disarray the victims of its on policies before they could organise and seek a democratic answer to their predicament.

We have the support of the democratic international community and we have the answer. That answer is democratic resistance. Let us mobilise all sections of the nation and launch the final bid for our freedom.

The 12 October 2005 Crisis.

We participated in the March 2005 parliamentary election reluctantly because we knew that the electoral terrain would never produce a free and fair expression of the people's political choice. The electoral process and the result vindicated us. To us the only viable route forward was one of peaceful democratic resistance to compel the regime to yield to the people's demands for democratic reforms to enable the holding of free and fair elections.

Today, the peaceful democratic resistance route offers itself as the only available route to compel the regime to put in place democratic reforms to usher free and fair elections. Continued participation in fake electoral contests would only serve to strengthen the regime's propaganda that such elections signified the presence of a vibrant democracy in the country and therefore the regime was legitimate and democratic.

To fortify this false perception, soon after the March 2005 parliamentary election the regime initiated moves to yet again amend the constitution to introduce a senate. In the regime's propaganda, senate was supposed to signify the "broadening" and "deepening" of democracy through an expansion of parliamentary representation. This was simply a ruse or a cheap trick and the reality was different.

Senate is purely a ZANU PF project, which adds absolutely no value to the resolution of the current crisis of governance facing the nation. It is part and parcel of ZANU PF's succession plan. The idea was to create a political home or parking slot for the ZANU PF dead wood that can never succeed in an electoral context. In that way, having joined the gravy train, feelings of alienation, exclusion and bitterness would be removed from that group and render them willing to accept whatever succession plans are on offer.

The question that confronted the party was whether or not to participate in the senate elections and strengthen, bring to fruition the ZANU PF project? We had consistently opposed constitutional amendments as false start in, in favour of a people driven constitutional process, as the fundamental step in resolving the crisis of governance in the country.

In addition we had demonstrated in June 2000, March 2002, March 2005 and during countless parliamentary elections that free and fair elections are impossible until an electoral framework fashioned along the lines of our RESTORE document are in place. The question was what value would participation in the senate elections add to people's struggle for democracy, good governance, the rule of law, economic recovery etc.?

To us the answer was quite clear and eloquent. Absolutely no value at all. Instead participation would have aborted or set back the democratic struggle by many years.

We objected to our being made handmaidens to plans whose aim was to create a dictatorial structure that enabled tyrannical rule to be inherited. Our position on the crisis of governance in this country is quite clear. We are convinced that it is only through a comprehensive and people driven constitution that democracy and good governance in Zimbabwe can ultimately be guaranteed.

Piecemeal or patchwork constitutional, as has been the experience with the current regime over the past 26 years only resulted in the entrenchment of dictatorship and the immense suffering of the people. This has been a fundamental principle that guided the deliberations of the NWPC and constituted the launching pad of the party. It was and still remains the major reason for the formation of the MDC. To breach that principle would mean that party loses its reason to exist.

We could not simultaneously be fighting dictatorship on one hand and strengthening it on the other. The MDC shall never be used as an instrument for the continued subjugation of the people of Zimbabwe.

It was precisely on the basis of fundamental differences on this sacred principle that the October 2005 split in the party occurred. There were those among us who got tired of the struggle opted for a political course that sought to compromise with the regime in order to create a political context and environment for second "Unity Accord" or better still an "Internal Settlement" This was simply a splinter group. Those of us in the mainstream MDC refused to betray the fundamental values and principles of the people and the party and we remain firm and resolute, committed to bringing about democracy and good governance to the country and put an end to the suffering of the people.

Some in the splinter group mounted what turned out to be a fake parliamentary opposition to the constitutional amendment designed to bring about the senate. The more honest among them including some key individuals among the party leadership in parliament were even absent when the crucial vote was taken. This was a clear indication of support for the senate project.

Those who opted to collaborate with the regime have distorted issues to come up with outrageous justifications for their action. No purpose can ever be served by narrating their position. They have made reference to democracy when in fact by their very actions they sought to link hands with the regime to destroy the democratic struggle and chances of bringing abort democratic governance in this country.

The MDC is a party that was formed on the basis of a shared history of suffering at the hands of the regime. It is a diverse party irrevocably bound by a civic equality as members of the movement. It is the only political party that lays a verified claim to having a nationwide rather that a regional or ethnic appeal. Let us keep it that way. Let us continue to celebrate and jealously guard the richness of our diversity and never allow the forces of tyranny to divide us.

Let us remain focussed on the struggle because there are more ominous developments ahead. We know that the regime is finalising a parliamentary bill to abandon the presidential elections scheduled for 2008, in favour of yet another constitutional amendment to enabled Mugabe's handpicked successor to inherit the dictatorship until 2010. This is part and parcel of a strategy that started with the senate project supported by our erstwhile colleagues who went astray.

As a party let us brace ourselves to resist this sinister agenda with all our numbers and democratic might. We must now stop the dictatorship from continuing to play havoc with the lives and welfare of Zimbabweans. The agenda for action now must be to force the regime to yield to the people's demand for free and fair electoral conditions ahead of the presidential elections of 2008.

The road has been long and hard. We have been through times so hard and traumatic those who continuously deride us cannot even begin to imagine them. Let us not be swayed or deviate. Together, let us walk the last mile to our freedom.

18 March 2006

Harare, Zimbabwe.

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THABO MBEKI WARNED BY BROTHER OVER ZIMBABWE!

2007-04-20T10:26:00.001+02:00

Mbeki's brother warns on Zimbabwe

http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/national.aspx?ID=BD4A442567

SA's political elite is an obstacle in the quest to save Zimbabwe from collapsing, political analyst Moeletsi Mbeki says.

"Only poor people will be affected by Zimbabwe's collapse," he said in an Africa Dialogue lecture in Pretoria.

Mbeki criticised the approach of his brother, President Thabo Mbeki, of quiet diplomacy: "It's a do-nothing scenario. However, you appear to be doing a lot."

Moeletsi Mbeki, who sits on boards of various organisations, said the national interest of South Africans, as opposed to that of the elite, was to see Zimbabwe's economy restored and its people employed, well fed and well housed.

Despite the president's quiet diplomacy, SA faced pressure from the west and most South Africans over Zimbabwe.

"They (western countries) are sensitive to abuse of human rights as they helped fight apartheid, and the people of SA want the government to do something on the human rights issues," Mbeki said.

Asked what advice he would give his brother in handling the Zimbabwe issue, he said: "I think the South African government needs to show a lot more energy in dissuading Zanu (PF) from brutalising the opposition. We need to send a message across to Zanu (PF) that an opposition has a right to exist and has the right to participate in activities." Sapa

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COSATU PROTESTS AT ZIM BORDER!

2007-04-20T07:51:00.001+02:00

COSATU protests at Zimbabwe border!

http://www.citizen.co.za/index/article.aspx?pDesc=37055,1,22

JOHANNESBURG Several hundred South Africans picketed at the Zimbabwe border to show solidarity for Zimbabwe's struggle for democracy and human rights, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) said on Thursday.

Cosatu's Limpopo provincial secretary Jan Tsiane said the protesters from the unions and members of the SA National Civic Organisation and the Limpopo Young Communist League gathered at the Beitbridge border post between South Africa and Zimbabwe on Thursday.

Cosatu is backing the Zimbabwean Congress of Trade Unions' demand for minimum wages and salaries linked to the poverty datum line (PDL), reduction of income tax to a 30 percent maximum, no tax for workers earning below the PDL, free access to antiretrovirals, stabilised pricing on basic commodities, and a stop to state harassment of informal economy workers.

Tsiane said the gathering was also calling for open dialogue between all political formations and civil society in Zimbabwe, aimed in particular at a new constitution ahead of democratic elections next year.

"The constitution must allow for the passage of a new electoral law based on the SADC Southern African Development CommunityÆ protocols on the conduct of free and fair elections," said Tsiane.

A conducive climate for elections, free of state violence and repression also need to be created, he said,

"We urge President ThaboÆ Mbeki, on behalf of SADC, to vigorously pursue these objectives," said Tsiane. Sapa

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MBEKI LAYS "GROUNDWORK" FOR STABILIZING ZIMBABWE!

2007-04-20T07:39:00.001+02:00

South Africa's Mbeki Lays Groundwork for Stabilizing Zimbabwe
By Delia Robertson Johannesburg *19 April 2007*

Robertson report - Download 884k
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http://voanews.com/english/2007-04-19-voa27.cfm

Last month, Southern African leaders appointed South African President Thabo Mbeki their mediator to facilitate talks between Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and opposition groups in his country. The goal is to end the political crisis in Zimbabwe, prepare for free and fair elections as early as next year, and lay the groundwork for an economic recovery program. In this report from our southern Africa bureau in Johannesburg, VOA's Delia Robertson takes a closer look at how the facilitation might work and what its chances of success are.

Thabo Mbeki, 11 Apr 2007

Zimbabweans wondering what President Mbeki has in mind for negotiations in their country need look no further than South Africa itself. The blueprint Mr. Mbeki will be working from is the one that brought an end to apartheid in South Africa.

But Mr. Mbeki will not be seeking to impose the same final model on Zimbabwe that South Africans chose. Rather he will be asking them to use similar methods. This means having talks with as wide a range of interest groups as possible, each with an equal standing, discussing and debating, giving and taking, until consensus is reached.

" hspace=2 src="http://voanews.com/english/images/AFP_Zimbabwe_opposition_rally_eng_195_18feb07.jpg" width=210 vspace=2 border=0>

Zimbabwe's leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), Morgan Tsvangirai, argues with a policeman after being told he could not hold a rally in Harare, 18 Feb 2007

Already Mr. Mbeki has asked the two factions of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) for proposals, including on constitutional reform and on requirements for the holding of free and fair elections. And Tomaz Augusto Salomão, the executive secretary of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), has begun an audit of the Zimbabwe economy to determine what will be needed to kick-start its recovery.

But Chris Landsberg, director of Johannesburg's Center for Policy Studies, says that looming large over all Mr. Mbeki's plans is President Robert Mugabe, who he says has, on four previous occasions, obstructed regional initiatives to end the crisis in Zimbabwe.

"But since 2000 SADC in general - South Africa in particular tried to do something - they have consistently offered something since 2001, they have offered something in 2002, 2003 - we know about the significant offer in 2005 where South Africa even offered a loan package as much as $1 billion in exchange for political concessions," he said.

Mr. Mbeki has set himself a tight timeline. He would like an agreement between the parties early enough to allow adequate preparations for an election next March that will be viewed as free and fair not only by all the parties in Zimbabwe and by Southern African leaders, but also by the international community. Landsberg warns that Mr. Mugabe is likely to resist for as long as possible.

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe addresses party supporters in Harare, 30 Mar 2007

"I think what we are likely to see between now and next year's proposed election, we are going to have Mugabe dragging out the Mbeki facilitation as much as possible," he added. "In other words, he is going to posture, he going to play games, he is going to be too busy, he is only going to show urgency to meet Mbeki and to formally participate at a time when he will say it is too late to have the facilitation and to have elections. One of the things must give. So he'll make a convincing case for the postponement of the elections."

Landsberg argues that Mr. Mugabe will likely want to postpone elections until 2010, the latest possible date they could be held under the current constitution. He says that this will enable Mr. Mugabe to delay identifying his successor, because, he says, once this happens, Mr. Mugabe will lose whatever control he has left within ZANU-PF, his own party.

"At some point he is going to anoint a successor," he explained. "And, of course, he is going to go for somebody who is likely to be seen by him as a puppet. And instead of that power working in his favor, people will then say this is it, he is now weakened, then they will really push him out."

But other experts, such as Chris Maroleng of the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria, say that the confluence of events in Zimbabwe and the region in recent months may be enough to propel Mr. Mugabe to fall into line on the timeline set by southern Africa leaders for completion of the mediation.

Maroleng argues that the octogenarian leader has never before had such poor support within his own party. Also that he has never previously had to face a united opposition from southern Africa leaders, as he did last month in Dar Es Salaam.

"If he yet again scuttles such an opportunity, this would create the impression in the region that he doesn't take his counterparts seriously," he explained.

Following the Dar Es Salaam meeting, the leaders issued a statement that expressed support for Mr. Mugabe and also called on western countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom to abandon so-called smart or targeted sanctions against Zimbabwe. Maroleng says that it has become common knowledge that in the privacy of the meeting, Mr. Mugabe was subjected to severe criticism from the regional grouping. He says their call for an end to sanctions was a device to prevent Mr. Mugabe from finding excuses to avoid or delay the mediation.

"The fact that they are distancing themselves from a western approach to regime change is a clear indication that the southern African development community is really preparing the groundwork for a mediation in Zimbabwe and closing any exit that Mugabe has taken where he has [in the past] consistently accused any mediator as puppets of the west or neo-colonial lackeys of the west," he said.

Like all previous initiatives, the current effort will likely include an offer that will allow Mr Mugabe to retire gracefully without the threat of being brought on charges before the International Criminal Court or even before Zimbabwe's own courts for crimes against humanity.

To satisfy Zimbabwe's opposition, Mr. Mbeki will have to find a way to ensure that pre-election campaigning and the elections themselves are overseen by an independent electoral commission supported by a peacekeeping body, such as the Peace Commission which operated in South Africa in 1994. In addition, opposition groups also want the support of southern African and western observers.

Any agreement will also include an economic recovery program designed to kick-start Zimbabwe's ailing economy as quickly as possible. That will require the support of the international community, particularly the industrialized nations, and Mr. Mbeki will be keenly aware that this support will not be forthcoming unless the agreement meets their criteria for free and fair elections.

Mr. Mbeki has appointed two seasoned South African facilitators who have already held several meetings with representatives of the two factions of Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic Change and with representatives of some Zimbabwean civil society groups.

The facilitators will draw up a draft agreement, and when that is ready in the coming weeks, Mr. Mbeki will want to present it to Mr. Mugabe. It is at that point, that Zimbabweans and regional leaders will get their first indication of whether or not Mr. Mugabe intends to fully cooperate with the Southern Africa Development Community's mediator.

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ZUMA SAYS MBEKI HAS TOO MUCH POWER!

2007-04-16T10:45:00.001+02:00

Mbeki has too much power - Zuma

Sipho Khumalo April 16 2007 at 04:44AM http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=13&art_id=vn20070416040836629C155785

ANC Deputy President Jacob Zuma on Sunday warned against too much power being concentrated in the "state house" and the presidency, saying that was what had resulted in so many coups in Africa.

Addressing a packed gathering of Cosatu shop stewards in Durban on Sunday, Zuma urged ANC members to ensure that political power remained within the organisation and with the masses.

"The organisation (ANC) should not lose power and give too much power to the state house. We must carefully read what our documents (conference discussion documents) say about this critical issue.

"All I am saying is that this is the crucial year (ANC conference), when all decisions that we take will be important for long time to come. It is going to be critical what we do about this issue of concentration of power at the policy conference (in July)," said Zuma.

Mbeki now enjoys powers to appoint the cabinet

Zuma's warning about too much power being concentrated in the presidency comes at the time when there are concerns within the ANC-led tripartite alliance that too many powers are vested in the hand of President Thabo Mbeki.

These concerns intensified after Mbeki had released Zuma of his position as the deputy president of the country. Mbeki now enjoys powers to appoint the cabinet, heads of departments, premiers and municipal mayors.

The issue of presidential powers is set to come under scrutiny when the ANC conducts organisational review at its policy conference scheduled to take place in July, ahead of its all-important conference in December.

Zuma said the power should instead be retained by the organisation and (the ANC) should avoid transferring all power to the state.

"That (too much concentration of power in the state house) has been the main course of problems in Africa. When coups occur, there are no masses to defend the organisation and democracy," he said.

Cosatu's final position on leadership would be decided in September

Zuma said this had resulted in liberation movements dying.

As an example, Zuma said, an organisation that had put Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah in office was now dead because it had allowed all powers to be taken by the state.

He urged members of the ANC to make sure that their membership was in order ahead of the conference in December.

"This is the important technical question because even if people know that you have been a member of the ANC for 30 years, if your membership is not in proper order they will say that they do not know you," said Zuma, who vowed that he would not turn his back on the poor people.

Addressing the same gathering, Cosatu Secretary-General Zwelinzima Vavi rejected weekend reports that the federation had dropped Zuma as the ANC's presidential candidate.

It was reported that the worker federation was dropping Zuma for ANC Secretary-General Kgalema Motlanthe.

Vavi said the February Cosatu meeting had never discussed the issue of ANC positions, but had instead discussed the framework for choosing right leadership.

He said Cosatu's final position on leadership would be decided in September.

"Those who are spreading the rumour about the candidacy of Motlanthe are seeking to destroy his reputation.

"The real debate in Cosatu now is how to change the economic direction of the country. It is a debate between those who want to retain the status quo and those who want changes," said Vavi.

KwaZulu-Natal Cosatu Secretary Zeth Luzipho said there was no way Cosatu was going to drop Zuma as he was part of the workers.

"We are proud Zuma supporters because we are ANC members and Zuma is ANC Deputy President," said Luzipho.

This article was originally published on page 1 of The Mercury on April 16, 2007

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Dear Mr Mbeki, (From Mr Bornwell Chakaodza!)

2007-04-13T13:49:00.001+02:00

An open letter to President Mbeki and SADC leaders

http://www.fingaz.co.zw/story.aspx?stid=2833

Core of SADC executive secretary's visit lies in getting fundamentals right

THE Southern African Development Community (SADC) extraordinary summit held recently in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania was not a failure after all.

As mandated by the 10 heads of state and government who attended that summit, the SADC executive secretary Tomaz Salamao is here in Zimbabwe to study the economic situation with a view to seeing how the region can assist the country to recover economically.
On the political front, the summit mandated President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa to mediate in the Zimbabwean crisis and he is reported to have already appointed a negotiating team to engage the ruling ZANU PF party and the opposition MDC in search of a lasting solution.
My open letter to President Mbeki and SADC leaders in their entirety and my message to SADC executive secretary, Tomaz Salamao, is that unless they get the political and economic fundamentals right, both missions are doomed to fail. Politics and the economy are intertwined here and there is no way the two can be separated. To me, this is the bottom line.
It is very important to identify issues really at stake in our present situation. There is no way Salamao can propose measures to assist in the economic recovery of the country in the absence of political normalisation. In my book, the two things are not even two sides of the same coin they are firmly located on the same side of the one coin. That is how firmly inter-connected they are!
The point must be made that the source of Zimbabwe's economic crisis is the abnormal political environment that we have at the present moment. And the holistic solution that we are all seeking is one that is rooted in the acceptance of this simple fact. Anyone trying to navigate the murky waters of Zimbabwe must separate fact from fiction.
Blaming President George W Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair as the root causes of our crisis as government spin-doctors are fond of doing and saying day in and day out is a mantra which has lost all meaning. The political leadership here is the author of our problems and it will equally be, by and large, the author of the solution that we are seeking.
I do not minimise the problems that President Mbeki and Salamao will face but all I am trying to do is to appeal to them to have a correct perspective, a correct interpretation of the issues in this country. Facing the truth and having a sense of perspective can free us of needless fears and give us hope and assurance for the future.
Nobody quarrelled with the need and the imperative of correcting a historical injustice as far as land reform is concerned. What people quarrelled with Zimbabweans and non-Zimbabweans alike was the methodology and the way the whole exercise was carried out. Things could have been done differently and certainly much better than the way they were done. But that is all now water under the bridge. The country must now move on. And this is the point that I am making here.
Looking back at past glories such as the war of liberation and the like does not add value in any way to looking forward, which is what is important at this stage. The challenge that President Mbeki and the SADC executive secretary face is to make sure that they do not sorely play to the beat of the propaganda machine emanating from government and the ruling party. It is important to listen to all sides including government, the opposition parties and Zimbabwean civil society as a whole.
There is a lot of dishonest journalism here particularly in the government-owned media. The issue here is not of regime change or anything like that. The issue is one of governance and the pressing need to have a political settlement which enables a government of a new Zimbabwe to be accepted both by its own people and the entire international community. And on both points, we have been failed by those currently in power.
Unless South Africa and the SADC regional bloc as a whole takes the lead in helping Zimbabweans find a solution, the whole world will be paralysed as in fact it is paralysed now. There is obviously a limit to what the UK, the USA and the EU can do in this regard, as in a number of ways, these countries have actually played into the hands of President Mugabe and the ruling party by their injudicious statements at times. And it is in this regard that the people of Zimbabwe to a very large extent welcome the two SADC initiatives as something that is bound to breathe the much needed new life into the country's economic and political conundrum.
What is important now is action on the part of SADC. Action based on talking to and listening to all Zimbabweans, not just the government and the ruling party. I want to underscore the importance of President Mbeki and Tomaz Salamao listening to other Zimbabweans beyond the government and the ruling party. President Mugabe has become the region's nemesis and I think it is crucial that SADC employs both the carrot and the stick in dealing with him.
I am absolutely convinced myself that SADC knows what it has to do to transform the political and economic fortunes of this country but for some reason is unable and unwilling to take the bull by its horns. But for many of us here, the new mood in SADC to try to engage all stakeholders is something that we hope will finally enable the region to see the light and begin to walk hand-in-hand with the people of Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe is gravely ill at the moment and a potent cure has to be found. In terms of helping Zimbabweans, it is on President Mbeki and SADC, by and large, that most eyes are turned to in our hour of need. Every hour, minute that passes deepens the sense of gloom and pessimism here despite the resilience and determination of Zimbabweans to go on with life and the feeling that something better will come.
It would appear that President Mugabe's government has entered a new phase of brutality going by what has been happening here in the last few weeks. It need not be like that. And there is no sign either that the government is bending to pressure from within the country and outside. For SADC therefore, not only is it a race against time but it is also a mountain to climb.
The nation of Zimbabwe waits with bated breath for results from the current SADC initiatives in order to rescue us from a situation which is going from bad to worse. It is in this context that SADC must not become a public relations machine for the government of Zimbabwe but a vehicle for the resolution of our crisis. Analysing the problems that we presently face as Zimbabweans from the perspective of the ruling party only can lead us to a blind alley in the search for solutions.
Even in the darkest days, there is a silver lining. It is our fervent hope therefore that President Mbeki and the SADC executive secretary Tomaz Salamao will do the right thing at the right time. In these two gentlemen, we place our hopes and trust.

E-mail: borncha@mweb.co.zw

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THE COSATU SWAZILAND DEMO!

2007-04-13T11:31:00.001+02:00

BLOCKADE: CALM AT BORDERS

http://www.observer.org.sz/main.php?id=34001&section=main

By Bheki Gama

YESTERDAY'S protests at the country's border posts were without nasty incidence.

It was gathered that all the other borders, but Ngwenya were without protests. About 50 members of the banned People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) assembled at Ngwenya border post where there was heavy police presence. In fact, the police outnumbered the protesters by far. Hhohho Regional Commander Superintendent Andrew Sibandze told the protesters found by the side of the road to disperse, giving them 15 minutes to do so. They resisted and continued singing protest songs until the given time elapsed. The commander then returned and ordered them to leave within 10 minutes, but still they did not budge. He then motioned Platoon Commander Charles Tsabedze to take charge. Tsabedze gave them two minutes to disperse and they still declined. Afterwards, police swooped in and hauled each one of them into the waiting vans which later sped towards Mbabane without any use of force on either side. Before they were bungled into the vans, Tsabedze explained that the police did not intend any harm. "We will peacefully take you to the vans and ferry you away," he said.

Supt. Nsibandze and other senior officers were on their cellphones most of the time, giving directions as to where the PUDEMO members should be off- loaded. He was also heard saying they should be dropped at different locations out of town so they would find it difficult to re-assemble. However, he told The Swazi Observer that the protesters were free to meet anywhere as long as it was away from the border.

He also explained that PUDEMO applied to the Police Commissioner to stage the blockage, mentioning that they were refused permission. "It was a peaceful move," Supt. Nsibandze said during an interview later. He said it was on that strength that they asked the protesters to disperse. However, PUDEMO's Deputy Secretary General Stuki Motsa-Mamba, who was found at a roadblock in Motshane, said the police were holding her captive and refusing to let her join the others. She said she did not know whether she had been arrested or not.

...On the other side

THE protest was, however, felt on the South African side where hundreds of Confederation of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) members had assembled about three kilometres up the road.

They then marched to the border post whilst behind the procession were vehicles, mostly trucks destined for Swaziland. As soon as they reached the border, the protesters blocked the road with mini-buses as speakers took to the podium. A petition signed by the South African-based organisations, including Communist Party (SACP), COSATU and Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN), was read by COSATU Deputy President Sotaka Lulamile who was accompanied by Deputy Chairperson (Mpumalanga Province) Dekeledi Gladys Mhlanga.

Lulamile later handed over the petition to Deputy Councillor of the Albert Luthuli Municipality Timothy Motsa who represented SA Minister of Foreign Affairs Dr. Makhosazana Zuma. The petition was also copied to SADC and Commonwealth Secretary General Don McKinnon. The petition raised seven issues, all bordering on the country's political situation. Before the protesters dispersed after 2 p.m, Bongani Masuku of SSN told the gathering that he had just been informed that Swazi police had arrested a number of PUDEMO members who were taken to Lobamba Police Station. He also announced that more were arrested and kept at Tshaneni Police Station while the situation at Lavumisa border was tense.

However, Police Spokesperson Superintendent Vusie Masuku refuted the allegations, saying only six, including Mphandlana Shongwe were arrested at Mananga border at 6 a.m yesterday. They were charged with being found in possession of seditious publications.

COSATU allowed to

protest not blockade

Councillor at the South African High Commission Lucas Mokoena said his government had granted COSATU permission to protest not blockade.

He said his government and the constitution allowed for peaceful assembly and protest action. "That is why the Deputy Councillor received the petition on behalf of government," he said, adding "protesters were peaceful and well-behaved."

Mokoena said the South African government was guided by the principles of the sovereignty of states and other protocols. "COSATU does not represent the views of government," he announced, adding that it comprised just a fraction of the South African populace, whom he said had every right to assemble for peaceful protests.

He supported Foreign Affairs Minister Mathendele Dlamini's position that the two governments were in constant contact with each other. Mokoena said what looked like a blockade was, in fact, the time when protesters were listening to speeches. He said it was too brief to warrant being called a blockade.

About the petition, Mokoena said they were concerned with government to government issues, emphasising that COSATU did not, in any way, represent the South African government's position. He also said all the other border posts were operating as normal.

Govt says no disturbances

GOVERNMENT Spokesperson Percy Simelane said it was business as usual despite yesterday's border blockade by South African-based organisations.

Simelane said there were no reports of any blockades taking place, adding that people and vehicles were moving in and out of the country freely. When told about the brief blockade at Ngwenya border post, Simelane said he had not yet been briefed about the matter and "therefore I cannot comment further."

He was then asked about the petition, to which he responded by disputing the contents, saying the country was ruled democratically and that all processes were done in a democratic manner.

He said everyone was invited to contribute to the constitution and those who did not participate did so out of their own volition. The petition was calling for "a democratically elected National Constitutional Forum", amongst seven issues.

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PROF A MUTAMBARA'S 2007 INDEPENDENCE MESSAGE!

2007-04-13T10:36:00.001+02:00

Zimbabwe: Mutambara's 2007 independence message

Thu, 12 Apr 2007 03:15:00

http://www.zimdaily.com/news/117/ARTICLE/1567/2007-04-12.html

Arthur Mutambara

Fellow Zimbabweans, 18th April 1980 is an important day that marked the end of colonial and imperialist rule in our country. As we observe this great day in our national calendar, let us take this as an opportunity to reflect on the state of our nation and the challenges we face.

MDC President - Professor Arthur G.O Mutambara

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It is important that as Zimbabweans we come together and find solutions that can build our country into a peaceful, democratic and prosperous nation.

We must proffer redemptive political and economic solutions in order to improve the quality of life for all Zimbabweans on a sustained and sustainable basis. At twenty seven years of age our country could do with some innovative and robust state crafting.

Setting the Record Straight

The starting point of any effective reflective process is clarity about the past. A page of history is worth ten volumes of logic. The people of

Zimbabwe

freed themselves from the yoke of colonialism.

Zimbabwean sons and daughters constituted the gallant ZIPRA and ZANLA fighters who, together with ordinary citizens, ushered in our independence. It was a revolution that bound worker and peasant, young and old, guerilla and collaborator, and urban and rural folks in the fight for national self-determination.

No single individual delivered us from bondage. It was a collective effort. Across the length and breath of this country and in neighbouring countries such as

Zambia

Mozambique

and

Tanzania

, our sons and daughters came together, with a single purpose- to free

Zimbabwe

. For the record; Yes, Robert Mugabe was part of the liberation war effort.

He was involved in the nationalist struggle. However, in that war he was a spineless coward who could not even fire a pistol. To this day he does not even know how to return a soldier's salute. Those who fought in that war can attest to this characterization.

He was the lucky coward of the liberation war. As matter of principle we have no problem with spineless wimps, neither do we fault lucky cowards. What becomes problematic is when such shameless morons then appropriate the entire liberation war legacy as theirs, to the exclusion of those who actually fought in that struggle.

That is what offends us as Zimbabweans. We take strong exception to that. We fought for our country as a people and freed ourselves as a united collective.

We want to put it on record today, on our Independence Day, that the people of

Zimbabwe

do not owe Robert Mugabe anything. We owe ourselves as a people. We were masters of our own destiny.

Furthermore, let us reflect on the basis and foundation of the liberation struggle. The war of liberation was an all-inclusive, anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist protracted armed struggle.

The principles and values of that struggle included democracy, freedom, liberty, equality, universal suffrage, justice, equity, socio-economic justice, and prosperity. When we look at the state of our nation today, the question is: Have we achieved these aspirations? The unequivocal response is NO.

Twenty seven years after independence, the people of

Zimbabwe

are not experiencing freedom, liberation or independence. Instead, starvation, unemployment, deplorable working conditions, unmitigated suffering, and unprecedented hopelessness now define our national psyche.

We live in an undeclared state of emergency where our basic freedoms and liberties of assembly, speech, movement, and association are heavily curtailed by repressive legislation. Political rallies, marches and demonstrations are banned.

Political activists and even ordinary citizens are abducted, tortured and killed with impunity. As we reflect on the meaning of our Independence Day, Gift Tandare, Itai Manyeruke and Edmore Chikomba join the list of courageous freedom fighters murdered by this evil Mugabe regime.

The transformation of the police into a criminal sadistic brutal force is worse than anything we ever saw under the Smith regime.

Zimbabweans live in a state of collective fear of violence, hunger, destitution, diseases and arrest. Basic and essential commodities are either unavailable or unaffordable. School fees, property rates, rentals and agricultural inputs are beyond reach.

The crippling fuel crisis, erratic and inadequate power supply, destruction of commercial agriculture, food shortages, and lack of housing are devastating the population.

Inflation has soared to record levels of over 2000%, unemployment is above 85%, while poverty levels are above 90%. Life expectancy is 34 years for women and 37 years for men. This cannot be the liberation, freedom or independence that Zimbabweans fought and died for.

We are the ZIPRA and ZANLA Fighters

The conclusion is pure and simple. Robert Mugabe and ZANU(PF) have failed the people of

Zimbabwe

. They have become a negation of the principles and values of the liberation war. Consequently, not only was Mugabe a mindless but lucky coward, he has become a despot running out of luck.

The people of

Zimbabwe

are fed up. They cannot take it any more. On our Independence Day we refuse to be patronized by a sick old man who has become a negation of the liberation struggle. This man has become a sellout. He has soiled and desecrated his claim to liberation hero and land revolutionary status.

Mugabe is now neither a freedom fighter nor a champion of African rights. He is now just an unimaginative dictator who brutalizes Africans and denies them basic human rights and economic opportunities.

He now stands against everything that Herbert Chitepo, Jason Moyo, Josiah Tongogara, Nikita Mangena, Sheiba Tavarwisa and Jane Lungile Ngwenya ever stood for. Our true heroes have been betrayed.

They must be turning in their graves. However, their spirits are with us in our opposition to this dictatorship. We are with them as we fight against tyranny, political oppression and economic subjugation. We are following in the tradition of the great freedom fighters of our liberation war.

We are the ZIPRA and ZANLA fighters!

A new vision and a redemptive strategy are required for our country. These are revolutionary times that demand soldiers and cadres.

Zimbabwe

must become the leading democracy in Africa characterized by people-centered social development and economic growth. Our GDP and per capita income should be in the top three in Africa.

We want a society where human rights, individual freedoms, property rights, women's rights, workers' rights and economic rights are cherished and respected. We want a nation of prosperity, economic opportunities, affordable high quality public services, social justice, equity, and gender justice.

We want a country of business growth, productive commercial agriculture, innovative entrepreneurship, creative managers, and productive workers who are well paid.

The Case for State Crafters

Zimbabwe

is at the crossroads where to advance forward requires nation builders, visionaries, statesmen and stateswomen; those skilled in the art of crafting states. Statecraft speaks to the expertise and wisdom in the effective management of public affairs.

We refer here to leaders in the genre of Lee Quan Yew of Singapore, Mahathir Mohamad of Malaysia, Nelson Mandela of South Africa, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf of Liberia, Indira Gandhi of India, Angela Merkel of Germany, Ernesto Che Guevara in Cuba, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln and Franklin Roosevelt.

These were (are) men and women of immense talent, resolve, vision, and strategy. More importantly they were (are) masters of the art of execution and implementation.

Nation builders are able to unite and mobilize people for a national cause. They channel national energy and synergy towards the growth and development of a country.

Unfortunately, Robert Mugabe does not belong to this group of nation builders. Great and significant leaders go beyond the limited scope of Maslow's hierarchy of needs that ends with self-actualization. They thrive to self-transcend, go beyond self and leave a legacy.

Presumably, Mugabe's favorite political text is that classic by Machiavelli, The Prince, where it is argued that the prince (leader) must pursue, obtain, and maintain power at any cost.

However, Machiavelli also wrote a second book; The Discourses, where it is explained that the prince (leader) must also care about his legacy and judgment by history.

This means the prince (leader) must be a state crafter. I guess our learned President has not read this insightful text, or if he did come across it, he never understood its import. What a shame.

The skills required for nation building are very different from those required to fight colonialism and imperialism. A new generation of leaders is required to take our country to the next level.

The time has come to pass the baton from liberation struggle leaders to globalization savvy nation builders. The issues of technocratic capacity and technical solutions have never been more critical.

Zimbabwe needs accomplished business practitioners, business thought leaders, management and economic thinkers, financial engineers, public policy thinkers, master entrepreneurs, technologists and scientists to drive our economy.

Zimbabwe

must become a globally competitive economy that rivals such nations like

Singapore

Malaysia

and

Japan

. We need creative dreamers and parallel thinkers who do not fear globalization, but rather thrive on chaos and uncertainty. Only freedom can allow our citizens to attain their full potential and take our nation forward.

Conclusion

When all is said and done,

Zimbabwe

's future will be determined by Zimbabweans. External players can assist and facilitate, but the buck stops with us. We cannot outsource our emancipation to foreigners. We shall be our own liberators. We shall be masters of our own destiny and complete the unfinished business of the liberation struggle.

All the progressive and democratic forces in the country must close ranks in pursuit of the collective national interest. Let us spurn ZANU(PF)'s divide and rule tactics. A united front inspired by a single candidate principle is a categorical imperative in every election (Presidential, Parliament, Senate, Council).

Every vote must count against ZANU(PF). While this framework will energize the generality of our people, it will also have strategic national appeal to multitudes of progressive ZANU(PF) members and supporters.

Let us continue with the spirit of cooperation in pursuit of a new constitutional and electoral law framework to ensure that our next elections are measurably free and fair. With a legitimate government (whose election is not contested) in place we can then embark on an economic journey to a peaceful, democratic and prosperous

Zimbabwe

Together we shall achieve the second coming of our independence, liberation and freedom

There will be no Compromise, Retreat or Surrender

We Shall Overcome

The Struggle Continues Unabated
Arthur G.O. Mutambara
MDC President

4.5 / 5 (7 Votes)

41 Comments | Add Your Comment | Forums

The following comments are owned by whomever posted them. ZimDaily is not responsible for what they say.

Tibvire apa

Vana Mutambara tibvirei apa, joinai MDC kwete zvematakanana zvamunoda kutiitira. Your words don't matter, what is important is what you do, kwete zvako zvekufurirana nanaNcube muchihumana.

Posted By John Sithole , London, UK : Apr 12 2007 04:57 PM

Iwe Arthur

Can you tell us how many presidents does MDC have? Do not confuse us. Give another name to you party and stop making noise. What reflection when people are suffering everyday. For your own information I stoppped attending these ZANU PF rallies so called independence celebrations in 1983. Now it's even worse because Mugabe has nothing to say, but blast Bush, Blair and those in diaspora. This year he will use this day to campaign for elections next year. Just wait until what I am saying is confirmed soon. Iwe you have no followers. Also you cannot have a rally, saka how can you reflect with people. You want people to be beaten up again and you are paid for a job well done. This time we will not come. Gift is dead. More people have died and you are still alive. We will not allow you to expose us. We will do it our own way. We will not come for the "independence day". We are abused day and night.

Posted By Abused Zimbo , Zim : Apr 12 2007 05:07 PM

MDC President??

Ok we heard you, but you personally should know that charity begins at home. As long as you don't re-join the original MDC that we all know, there might be no imminent peace in Zimbabwe. Why do you think you are a better President of MDC/Zimbabwe than Tsvangirayi? Are you not showing early symptoms of oppression and power hungry rather than national interest? You need to practice what you preach. Political aspirations are personal and you have the freedom to do what you want. For now why dont you support Tsvangirayi as the opposition presidential candidate. With your potential and age, your own time will come. You have said "Together we shall achieve the second coming of our independence, liberation and freedom." Let us know how you intend to achieve this.

Posted By Mbuya Rennie , Bristol, UK : Apr 12 2007 05:10 PM

Mbuya Rennie is right

I see this Mutambara guy clinging on to power forever...why cant he joing the real MDC. We surely have another Mugabe in this youngman. Kakapinda kanotozobva ne gidi

Posted By Ganyamuto , USA : Apr 12 2007 05:20 PM

Born a fighter!

Thank you for coming home away from the comforts of the so called Diaspora. You have chosen a path that we commend. Very few people in the Diaspora have that courage to come and mingle with us here and go to the rural areas, unless they are going for funeral, some of us no longer afford. We support you in the struggle you are doing your part.Your language is clear and so is your thinking. Internet activists and some dubious activists will never come home now that they saw how Zanu Pf can beat the hell out of anyone. To us here on the ground, Mutambara is here with us in the struggle, may God bless him. Some people can only shout from afar, huyaika mudashurwe naBb Dashurai zvirikuitiwa vamwe kuno, kwete kungotinyangadza nekugarira mainternet, iko kwenyu kukati magetsi haaendi kana mashaya shift motsvaga kubvisira shungu painternet. Go AGO, no retreat no surrender, you were born a fighter!

Posted By Bvumai Tapera , Masvingo : Apr 12 2007 05:20 PM

mutambara 2007 independence message

Arthur, before anyone can take you seriously, please sort yourselves out within mdc and speak with a united voice....i thought tsvangson was the mdc president.....stop this nonsense

Posted By jairos banyamulenge , baghdad, iraq : Apr 12 2007 05:22 PM

DR A. G. O Mutambara,

A very well written speech, just like the last one and just as before you are are still a 'mhata'. 'Didvide an conquer strategy' has enslaved nations, which you are doing your best to achieve by still leading a split opposition. I do ironically understand the dynamics of political democracy, and do encourage multiple opposition, because we don't want a one party state (one trick pony), in which in another tens years time will lead us into the same sitution as present (trying to boot your axe shaped head out of the State House just like we are trying to do with Matibili). Mutambara, "divide the vote loose the cause". Now fuck-off and on no uncertain terms return without a PHD of your choice! We don' want to...

Posted By ...join Muzorewa , in the State House. : Apr 12 2007 05:24 PM

The opposition should work together

Some people cannot come to terms with reality zvedi. I did not realise that one can be so thick as to fail to realise that Mbeki is actually engaging two MDCs and that in Zimbabwe we know that there are two MDCs. Anyway Zimbabweans are saddened by this situation and until there is a realisation that a united voice is the way to go, Mugabe will rule kusvika madhongi amera nyanga, Zimbabweans know that you cannot rule Zimbabwe mamiriro akaita zvinhu. But Mutambara wacho anotaura hake zvine musoro, isu tinongotarisa hedu takabviro nyarara. Tsvangirai tinomuda, Mutambara is a comrdae in arms, we're as an opposition!

Posted By Tichafa Gondo , USA : Apr 12 2007 05:33 PM

Of shameless cowards.....

"As matter of principle we have no problem with spineless wimps, neither do we fault lucky cowards. What becomes problematic is when such shameless morons..." Mutambara. Ma-cowards akawandisa kani iwe haasi Bob the dictator chete. We have spineless wimps who cannot even get to the airport vanoda kubvisirwa Bob vozouya voti tairwa taiva kubranch rekuCanada, London etc.

Posted By Chiduku Mutevedzi , : Apr 12 2007 05:42 PM

no title

is Mutambara's speciallity. Please do not bother us with your insulting speeches, if you were MDC this independence is time to gather not sctter the troops. Were is the mention of the fallen ativists of today...yes the real MDC lifes that have been lost. I dont want a history lesson and I dont apprciate you liking Anglela Merkels pussy, at he expence of a struggle. Now Athur G O and fuck-off, you look like a Matibili wanna be.

Posted By Divide and Rule , Mutambara : Apr 12 2007 05:50 PM

NO G.O Arthur

Muthambara, you are a Merchant of Vice tying to sell us a pound of our own flesh. We won't fight for because you are 'Divide and Rule' peddler with distinct Mugabe ambitions. NEVERTHELESS we will fight ...but not for you.

Posted By Divide Marwiro , Harare : Apr 12 2007 06:09 PM

Bvumai Tapera...

you are a foll beyond your years. Do no castigate the Diaspora because they are the brains,dollar and pound to aid Zimbabwes recovery. Dont fall into the a false sence of owining the next chimurenga just becuase you are in Zimbabwe. if you do so you might fall into the same dilema as we are now with Mugabe appointing barely educated War Veterens who have contributed to the mismanagement of the nation. Don't be surprised if the president in ten-twenty years time has a American/British accent (please no Aussie accent that's just gay). We well all fight in Dispora please donate to MDC for elections 2008. ps. Mutambabara go join the real MDC they have tea and buiscits if they are not on remand or in hospital.

Posted By Last Mapera , USA : Apr 12 2007 06:26 PM

Mutambaramhata

Hey Mutambara u beach, no one forced you to join MDC, go and start your own party. Tsvangi ndiye akatanga MDC asi iwe woda kujambira. Muchekadzafa

Posted By Mutambaramhata , : Apr 12 2007 07:03 PM

UNITE

ARTHUR,DIVIDED YOU FALL,UNITED YOU STAND!

Posted By MUVHETI , STOKE ON TRENT UK : Apr 12 2007 07:05 PM

What if

What if Mutambara is part of a Zanu pf plan to: 1. Eliminate all the forces within the real MDC that are perceived to be against a coalition government formed by ZANU PF and MDC. People like Tsvangirai, Chamisa, Madzore, etc have to be killed to realise that dream of a united party. 2. Eliminate all people in MDC who may oppose Mutambara as president of the real MDC.[So Mutambara may be climbing up the political ladder the same way Mugabe did i.e. eliminate potential "obstacles" and rise.]

Posted By N.B. Zaka , London, UK : Apr 12 2007 07:06 PM

no title

This is a well thought out and well written speech sir.Most importantly some of the things that you said and suggested constitute your opinion which you are entitled to however arguable. I beg to differ though when you say Mugabe was a 'spineless coward' in the liberation war. He wasnt! We all remember how he was detained for 10 years without trial. We also remember how he sneaked into Mozambique with bullets hovering above his head. Do you know that he could not even bury his son Nhamo when he died of celebrial malaria.If he is truely impotent as the rumour mill says, do you know where he lost his sterility? This is Mugabe of the old days, gallant, resilient and nationalistic.Lets give him credit for that. The problem that I have is with the Mugabe of today (ie since 1990). The one who doesnt want to go when it is apparent even to him that he has got nothing new to offer. The one who is intolerant of divergence of opinions and who is prepared to kill his own children inorder to survive. The Mugabe who is driven by a force which goes beyond the old, frail, wrinkled and tired looking face that we see everyday.The one whose strength is now deeply rooted in acts of plunder, murder, torcher and corruption. That is the Mugabe who has outlived his goodness and who should go now! But sir dont you think an independence speech should be a bit toned down. Give us your strategy, your plan and your tactics for ending this man's evil rule. THAT IS MATURITY. But until you do so, you are never going to be taken seriuosly and will soon fade into obvlivion.

Posted By Gertrude Kapenzi , Harare : Apr 12 2007 07:13 PM

Snakes

Grace Kwinjeh was badly beaten but Mutambara naNcube havana...i smell a rate. This two gentlemen are snakes watch out!

Posted By Panashe Tsigo , Cape Town : Apr 12 2007 07:15 PM

Arthur - Moyo???

Mutambara reminds me of Jonathan Moyo when he was Minister of Information. Every 8pm main news he would shit in our ears. The guys are learned, they know left from right but also flow with the wind. Opportunists, thats the word. Yes Arthur wants a free Zimbabwe, but he is definately doing it for amassing personal wealth. Why cant he respect Tsvangilie. Uyu siyanayi naye uyu

Posted By MDC Ndizvo , UK : Apr 12 2007 09:04 PM

Mutambara is the visionary

Mutambara is the only opposition politician who is setting a future agenda for Zimbabwe. He has clear views on the economy and on governance. He is the one who defined the current defiance campaign against Mugabe. He has called for unity of the opposition movement. He is a cut above the rest. Keep on doing what you are doing Arthur. You have much more support than what a lot of people realize.

Posted By Muhwandavaka Ngara , Michigan, USA : Apr 12 2007 09:05 PM

where is plan A,B,C,D

iwe mtambara siyana nesu, yu used to talk of plan A,B,C,D. whre are the plan? Iwe dzokera kuZanu kwawakabva

Posted By tichakunda , zim : Apr 12 2007 09:08 PM

Mutambara Sell-out

Who is this blithering goon who unashameadly calls himself MDC President? Stop this nonsense. The President;s speech will come. Do not confuse. U, Welshman and the bitch Priscilla are not being beaten/harassed. Why??? Because u are ZANU PF supporters masquerading as MDC with a view to confuse the electorate. PLEASE STOP THIS NONSENSE A.G.O. OR WHATEVER YOU CALL YOURSELF. YOUR PROPER TITLE IS " MDC PSEUDO SUPPORTER" TSVANGIRAYI IS PRESIDENT AND WE AWAIT HIS INDEPENDENCE MESSAGE.

Posted By SHUT UP AGO , HRE, ZIM : Apr 12 2007 09:37 PM

Help the youths

What have you done at your home area which people can count rather you go around buying youths beer. Can´t you see Kids travelling to Nhedziwa instead of Mutambara High. Why are you so blind Can´t you do something? Talk of the locals how are benefiting out of that so call mission? ,aren´t they people from Bocha. Wake up man. to me you are really useless. Be humble. Stop giving youths money for beer. Create something for them

Posted By Peter Nyama , UK : Apr 12 2007 10:18 PM

mutambara

mutambara haasi kumborohwa varume.Munofungeyi-wo nazvo.Dont get me wrong I am not one for the bashing business but why does it seem like when it comes to AGO sekuru Matibili seems to spare the rod.Zanu PF isinjonjo, tamba wakachenjera

Posted By zimbo , london uk : Apr 12 2007 10:42 PM

To Ngara and other fools

I cannot just understand how you guys think. How can Arthur talk of unity in the opposition yet he is at the helm of this problem. He is the one who has brought this problem by creating a pro-senate faction. I have always asked what benefits did pro-senate bring us. If he is visionary he should have seen that pro-senate will not yield any fruit. To one who says Shonas only want one party, I say you are wrong. Zim is not only about Shonas. What we need now is one opposition to remove Mugabe and after that we can do otherwise. I also do not see any problem with having one party with clear constitution - one person two terms that are 5 years long. By the way one party state in different from one opposition party. In a one party state other political cannot come up, but if we have one opposition party without declaring itself the only party other parties can come up later on. Arthur has nothing positive to offer, but confusion. Who says he came from diaspora? Arthur was out as a student on ZANU PF ticket. That is not diaspora according to me. He was on a mission - he is a Dr. now. Prove me wrong.

Posted By Inspector Derek , Zim : Apr 12 2007 10:43 PM

Viva AGO

This is what is happening here, most people who can think will be able to work this out. Mugabe beat up the so called Tswangirai faction simply because they are made up of puppets. thats a fact. Its true Mutambara could have formed a new party, but he joined the Real MDC based on the MDC constition, he joined the guys whom he did not agree with in terms of senate votes for the simple reason that they had majority vote-its called democracy. Mutambara is generally hated by tribalist shonas(not all shonas) in the same way we black people do not like to see a fine black chick hooked up to a white guy. they hate the guy because he a very fine thinking shona guy who is being seen as someone hanging with the wrong tribe-the Ndebele people. some - mostly shallow shonas hate him for that. If I was in Mugabe's shoes I would have disliked tsvangirai much more than mutambara. Mutambara is nationalist...he basically stands for what Mugabe claims to stand for. Mutambara stands for zimbabweans...and he makes it clear its collective effort...not MDC or ZANU...its abt zimbabweans...we all feel part of it...and in that way we wanna raise and nurture our baby zimbabwe...we dont feel like outsiders like zanu makes us feel, or the tsvangirai madc wants to play it.....its not a secret that mdc was born out of shear oportunism and its backfired enough times, and its yet to backfire more. Mutambara does want unity...but not for the sake of unity to bow down beloe that smiling baffoon tsvangira...they are not even on thesame level....tsvangirai is simply "change" Mutambara is the "future"....Tsvangirai is another lucky man, getting whupped by the cops will never win you my vote or respect...I do feel sorry for him that he got whupped...but so what? I would like to apeal to fellow zimbabweans, lets vote for reason and stop hero worshipping individuals...Dont hate the man, hate his ideas...at the moment I think Mutambara is the top man, I however think that if there wasnt so much violence we would have witnessd the rise of other leaders maybe of mutambara clibre or even better...but as mutambara said....you need a different type of guy to risk getting his ass whupped and a guy who can help put bread on our tables, tsvangirai is the former. we should contunue celebrating independence, and lets not ever allow Mugabe to privatise it...we were i it together, and we still in it together.... One love I love you all Zimbabweans, nginithanda nonke, ndinorita mese...

Posted By Kwame Buthelezi , KwaZulu : Apr 12 2007 10:49 PM

shut it arthur

iwe arthur you are such a disillusioned cunt,we dont know u where was you in the begining of the strugle?i'm ghetto and common so is the most zimbabweans,all i can say is forget it,we aint backing you and your bastards,f**K you big time.

Posted By mbare harare , england : Apr 12 2007 10:49 PM

Mutambara's words

Many of you do not appreciate the great talent we have in Arthur Mutambara. Yes, I think it's a shame that there are two MDCs, but the blame for this cannot be sorely laid at Mutambara's door. Mutambara is the only politician I know of who seriously believes that Zimbabweans should aim for the highest and not settle for second best. Everyone else I have spoken to says "we are ONLY an African country", as if good things are not expected of African countries. This is the reason why I gave up active Zimbabwean politics. If we can all think high, and we can all think of harnessing technical skills and seriously progressing our country, we can realise the goal of being UP THERE with the likes of Singapore, Malaysia, etc. The problem is most of you do not have the vision that is required, the vision that will make some of us feel there is something to be excited about in a future Zimbabwe. Mutambara does. I hope now that a way can be found in which Tsvangirai, Mutambara and all progressive forces can work together to first of all drive this Brandaya bwidi Mugabe from State House, and secondly drive our country forward. We should all work towards putting Mugabe where he belongs: the dustbin of shame and disgrace!

Posted By Charan Muzaya , London, UK : Apr 12 2007 10:50 PM

kunyangara

mutambara if u think you will ever rule zimbabwe forget it. now we have kearnt how to identify manyasarannde. just by looking at you u look as ugly as matibili which means you are not zimbabwean. u are a spineless coward kuda kuita mucheka dzakafa. tsvangirai don,t allow this man back into your party you are being beaten and humiliated on your own. mutambara mazimhuno anopinda datya nemhuri yake vakafongora. go get plastic surgey done you scare us. unorovesa vana nebuka.

Posted By Beauty Kunaka , harare zimbabwe : Apr 12 2007 10:56 PM

i beg to differ

interlectualism does'nt guarantee good presidency,look at bob what has he done for our beloved zimbabwe with his array of degrees?all the people who are supporting that poxy motherf**er u need to get real.all my ghetto people know whats up!!

Posted By mbare harare , England : Apr 12 2007 11:12 PM

just another little point

please not that the vast majority of people who claim to be normal zimabbaweans against mutambara seem just to keen to use vulgar languange and insults. why?. is it because there is nothing logical and clever you can attack him on? I wonder. maybe such people are not necessarily constructive and they definately do not represent the vast majority of zimbabweans. They actually have a strong zanu pf mentality - note i did not say they support zanu pf. thats a culture / mentality we need to change. One love

Posted By Kwame Buthelezi , KwaZulu : Apr 12 2007 11:16 PM

Ahhh Mutambara!!!

Well,Zimbabweans will make the biggest mistake if they ever vote for Mutambara. To be honest with you all, I used to think that now we have someone with brains we actually have a leader... oh no, this one is worse. First, he does not seem to know Zimbabwean history at all. How can a full professor like him label Mugabe a spineless coward, when Mugabe is feared by the whole western world, not just because of actually fighting the liberation war with guns, but also as a powerful intellectual? Then Mutambara also says people like Tongogara, Chitepo, etc were all great believers in freedom more than Mugabe. It is a well-known fact that Tongogara believed that once we get independence, the whites should be given 24hrs to leave the country - he did not believe in reconciliation, and in fact, it is rumored that this is the reason why white regimes preferred Mugabe over the rest. If Mutambara was an educated person, he would be going after Britain for reneging on their promise. I am glad that most MDC supporters do not like this imposter. It is just as well; we in Zanu-PF do not want him either. Before long, we will be asking: Who is Mutambara?

Posted By Murozvi263 , : Apr 12 2007 11:26 PM

AGO

I think AGO is not the best person to preach about unit. AGO akaita kuti MDC ive ne two factions by accepting to be the president of the pro-senate faction (from nowhere). He devided the opposition at a time when we needed it most. Arthur wakaresva sahwira. kana vana Ncube nana Priscilla vaiona kuti they have to break away sei vakashaya leader within themselves and give a different part name? How can you join a faction which could not find a part leader within themselves yet they dream of being leaders of the country. Vanhu valkatadza kuita leaders of a part dreaming to lead Zim zvakaoma, chero sekuru Matibili vakafara nazvo. Vana Job Sikala vakaona kuti havagoni kuve ma leaders hence kuti AGO iwe huya kuno uzotitungamirira. Iwe AGO from zero to president wakazviona kuti. You have added confussion to the opposition by creating your 'presidence'. I think that was the worse political mistake you made. Dai wakapa rakowo zita re part mhani. Iwe ipapa even ZANU chaiyo yakaona kuti your faction is not a threat at all ndisaka musirikurohwa. Kambe Matibili angakuroverei iwe wakabatsira pa plan yake ye devide and rule. AGO ndikakubata hameno shuwa. Iwe zvibvunze kuti Grace Kwinje anorohwa zvese nana mbuya Holland asi iwe inonzi enda zvako. Its because uriumwe wavo get away manhi. Ipapa svame svame na Thabo Mbeki who is also inderictly benefiting from the current economic problems we have. Iwe kudiwa kwako na Matibili kureva kuti murivamwe. I think you are just like Jonathan Moyo, G. Gono and the Mahoso type of person. You may have good ideas but you made a blander by deviding the struggle yakatangwa kare nevamwe. VIVA TSVANGILE!! pasi namatibili na ago

Posted By Matibili , Harare, Zimbabwe : Apr 13 2007 12:23 AM

Mutambara

I think and believe AGO made a mistake by joining one faction;I believe he should have made them one before accepting any position,now he looks like he had preplanned ambitions of becoming a leader but lets unite guyz and kick the chatungas out of office.

Posted By taneta musango , toronto canada : Apr 13 2007 12:31 AM

Opposition dzedu dzakavora

Zimbabweans one thing yu must know ndezvekuti Mtambara nanaNcube chikwata cheZanu.Opposition yedu inofanira kutsvaga support kumamhisha ikoko ichitengera chembere mbeu nefertilizer.Izvi zvekuramba vachichema otherwise ivo zvakare vanhu vari power hungry.Mdc yana Mutambara iripo kukanganisa Zvinhu chete.Mugabe akaisa maStudents leaders ake kuma UZ ikoko.This guy aive ari paBindura ayituka Mugabe zvakapenga but nhasi ndiye ave kudya naye.Same nana Mutambara.Ngavashandise mari dzavarungu kutengera vanhu zvinhe musoro kwete kuramba vachimhanya kuLondon sezvinonzi ndiko kunoitirwa maelection acho.Mdc inoda vanhu vakuru vanoziva politics chaiyo kwete zvemahure avo ava vana Misihairambwi nana Khupe.Chokwadi vana Madhuku vacho kuNca vakatochinja constituion kuti varambe vachitonga.Ndevamwe vari kutsvaga mari.If yu look American politics opposition leader akatadza kubudisa ruling party anosiyira mumwe but thats the opposite in Africa.Tsvangirai arikudavo kuramba achitonga.So opposition dzedu dzirukuti rasisa chaizvo.Mwana vaTsvangirai musikana ari kuno MuSydney [pavarsity. Pliz opposition gadzirisai unity kwamuri otherwise mahumbwe ari kuitika aya.M

Posted By Aussie , AussieLand : Apr 13 2007 12:34 AM

AUTHUR MATIBILI

authur matibili go fuck ur self robert matibili your brother sent u to destabilize MDC go fuck each other malawi just trying to aproach the political scene like your brother form your own party howcome urwe wega who was in good condition pakarohwa vamwe uri mu CIO trying to gain credibility nekunyepedzera kusungwa nasa nasa yekudii i am sure wakanyora speech iyi uri kumwedzi not another ugly presidential candidate pliz that alone will make u loose votes

Posted By mhofu , harare : Apr 13 2007 12:40 AM

Arthur Mutambara

I do agree with Arthur on the fact that he recognizes the effort put forth by the independence freedom fighters. But to belittle the leaders of that liberation movement and call them spineless cowards is to miss the point and distorting the facts. In Tekere's book, a lifetime of struggle, he categorically states that he, together with Mugabe received military training when they fled to Mozambique. This was before the Chimoio massacre. A good leader needs to stand by the truth to safeguard his/her integrity. It is a fact that Mugabe and other nationalists spearheaded the liberation struggle. That is one thing you cannot take away from Mugabe/ Matibili. We can however argue that he has presided over the worst economy in Zimbabwe. Mutambara and the opposition can only represent the next generation of leaders who can, as he mentioned in his speech, spearhead Zimbabwe into industrialization and economic prosperity. Mutambara, in his acceptance speech as the Pro Senate MDC leader, he praised Mugabe saying, and I quote, "We stand on the shoulders of the founding fathers of this nation; such as Nikita Mangena, Josiah Tongogara, Herbert Chitepo, Leopold Takawira, Joshua Nkomo, and Robert Mugabe. Oh yes, the pre-1980 Robert Mugabe is part of the revolutionary tradition that defines us". Yet today he ridicules him as a spineless coward. This FLIP FLOP makes me wonder if Mutambara stands by his words or blows by the wind.

Posted By Wilberforce Majaji , Detroit, MIchigan : Apr 13 2007 02:03 AM

Zimbos are just good at kushora chete

Guys hondo iyi its not between Mutambara and Tsangirai its about fighting Bob. If all diasporians wanted change so bad we would all organise to register to vote and those with legal papers fly to Zimbo to vote But only a few will even risk their comfort in the diaspora to do that. So if diasporians can not risk that lets encourage Tsvangirayi and Mutambara with our words because face it Mutambara is not desperate to stay in zim he can dump this politics and go have a good life with his family in the diaspora.

Posted By , : Apr 13 2007 02:55 AM

Zanu PF Paying people to post on Internet rooms and forums like this

Guys Zanu PF is paying people based in the diaspora and back at home to post dividing posts on chat rooms. Here are the chareteristics of Zanu Pf paid posters 1 Always post bad comments to belittle Tsvangirai or Mutambara and usually be the first to post so as to set the pace of that thread 2 Use vulgar language and the person does not have any real factual contribution 3 Create division among the discussions so that either Tsvangirai or Arthur at the end of the thread are bad and so forth Be aware and editor please ensure that posts that kill constructive discussions are removed because Zanu PF is even infiltrating on the internet as well Pamberi ne united opposition

Posted By , : Apr 13 2007 03:34 AM

mboko

mtambara imboko finish!!!!!!!!!

Posted By harare , zim : Apr 13 2007 08:45 AM

Mutambara munhu wedu

Posted By Robert Mugabe , HARARE ZIMBABWE : Apr 13 2007 09:06 AM

mutambara

Pamberi na AGO!!!!!!!! Hapana munhu anorambidzwa kujoina kana kuita prisident just support munhu wauri kuda chete and let us be constructive we waste our time noku tuka munhu who is fighting a monster takaitaseiko? if you are not happy naye just leave him alone.IF WE CONTINUE LIKE THIS HANDIONE TICHIMUBVISA MATIBILI WE MUST URGE OUR LEADERS TO BE UNITED KUBVA KWATIRI KUMA GRASSROOT SO THAT WE CAN CONFRONT MATIBILI NE ONE VOICE IZVI ZVOKUTI MORGAN AKASHATA MUTAMBARA AKASHATA HAZVIBETSERE MAOOKO MAVIRI BRINGS BETTER RESULTS AS COMPARED TO ONE MYSELF I WOULD SUPPORT ANY ONE ARIKUDA KUBVISA MATIBILI CHETE WHO IS A PROBLEM CHETE.

Posted By GRINGO , HRE : Apr 13 2007 09:28 AM

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SWAZI DICTATOR TO FACE COSATU PROTESTS!

2007-04-12T15:08:00.001+02:00

Swaziland protesters arrested at border post

Johannesburg, South Africa

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=304501&area=/breaking_news/breaking_news__africa/

12 April 2007 01:36

Sixteen members of the People's United Democratic Movement (Pudemo) in Swaziland were arrested on Thursday morning during a picket at Mananga border post, said Pudemo treasurer Vusi Mnisi. South Africa's Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) held a simultaneous picket on its side of the border post.

Speaking from a police station in Swaziland where the 16 were being held, Mnisi said that his colleagues had been arrested for carrying "seditious" pamphlets while protesting against the country's autocratic government.

"I was here to bring food and water to my brothers and I have been told by the station commander that I am also going to be arrested," he said.

Mnisi said that demonstrators at other border posts were attacked by Swaziland's "baton-wielding" police who wanted to stop the pickets.

"Before our colleagues were arrested, the picketing was going very well at the Mananga gates. After the arrests, the people got scared and some have already left."

Mnisi said the party is dissatisfied with the way Swaziland is governed. It chose Thursday to picket as the anniversary of the date that then King Sobhuza II declared absolute monarchy for Swaziland in 1973, repealing the country's 1968 constitution.

"He took all executive, judicial and legislative powers and things have remained the same ever since. There is no democracy here," he said. "No political parties are allowed as it were -- we are just an illegal party in the country. The king just rules by himself."

Cosatu said its members had gathered on the South African side of the border at all five of the border posts with Swaziland -- Oshoek, Matsamo, Lavumisa, Mahamba and Mananga.

Cosatu's Mpumalanga provincial secretary, Norman Mokoena, said the federation wants to help raise the profile of the political crisis in Swaziland.

"Swaziland's problems have been clouded by the media and the problems in Zimbabwe. We want people to know that the brutalities that are happening in Zimbabwe are also happening in Swaziland. We also want to show solidarity to our brothers and sisters in Swaziland," he said.

He said Swaziland's police had intimidated those protesting within Swaziland's borders but that the Cosatu protests were going well. "We are even being joined by the members of the community as they are also originally from Swaziland," said Mokoena.

In Johannesburg, Cosatu and the Swaziland Solidarity Network planned a lunchtime protest at Swaziland's consulate in Braamfontein. -- Sapa

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FINGAZ READER PLEADS: "MBEKI MUST HELP US!"

2007-04-12T14:32:00.001+02:00

Mbeki must help us

http://www.fingaz.co.zw/story.aspx?stid=2798

EDITOR In many years of our political and socio-economic discussions, I have heard quite a number of people, particularly those from South Africa advising us that the problems of misgovernance that we face in our country can be solved by us Zimbabweans alone, and no one else.
A similar view has been recently expressed by your correspondent, G Armstrong who wrote from Ireland (The Financial Gazette March 28). Armstrong reckons we are not doing or saying anything at all. Are these people not being mean? Clearly, they do not understand that as a nation, we have been agonising for a very long time. We began raising our concerns and expressed our disquiet since the early eighties.
This was made clear by our overwhelming rejection of the draft constitution on February 12 2000. Since then, our agony has been aggravated by a myriad factors. The creation of repressive laws such as POSA, AIPPA, and the Broadcasting Services Act boded ill for our future. Further, we have been subjected to consistent state orchestrated violence which has, hitherto, been visited upon us and the defenceless women and children.
Violence and intimidation are commonplace in our country, despite the extent of our outcry. South Africans are aware of this because they have been observers of our elections since March of 1980.
I owe Morgan Tsvangirai and his party profound respect and gratitude for his bravery, but he cannot go it alone. Neither can his supporters or us as ordinary citizens. We need the support of our comrades, from within and around the SADC region.
South Africa and other countries in our neighbourhood insist that they are our comrades, but why are they allowing us to sink deeper into the current political and socio-economic crisis? Clearly, we are not asking for marriage, but we are simply saying quiet diplomacy does not work.
Our friends and/or genuine critics need to be told that our struggle is against those who wield not only power, but the entire state machinery. The opposition does not control the army, not least the police. So they are like democrats in a hostage situation. This manifested itself in recent attacks on the leaders of the opposition, supporters and their sympathisers. The situation is not so dissimilar to what happened during the Chimurenga war, against Ian Douglas Smith. Clearly, we can learn from our colonial past. In order to dislodge the Smith regime, the nationalist fighters did not go it alone; they had to get support, both in cash and kind from their comrades in the then Frontline states. Thabo Mbeki must have some sympathy for us and depart from the antiquated role of big brother and clarify his position to us and to the world.

Innocent Kadungure

Ottawa, Canada

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"ZIM: FROM LIBERATION TO DICTATORSHIP!"by THE SOCIALIST WORKER

2007-04-11T08:11:00.001+02:00

http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/article.php?article_id=11132

Tens of thousands of people attend a rally to celebrate the end of minority rule in 1980

Dictator Robert Mugabe has kept the trappings of liberation

Mugabe's police mete out repression to striking workers

The struggle against white rule in Zimbabwe in the 1970s galvanised a generation in the hope of a new Africa. Now the country has become a byword for repression. Leo Zeilig traces the death of a dream

On 18 April 1980 the Union Jack was pulled down, the Zimbabwean flag raised and Bob Marley and the Wailers played live to thousands. Zimbabwe was independent.

The victory over the Rhodesian regime of Ian Smith was celebrated around the world. Prime minister Robert Mugabe was the incarnation of the struggle that had bought Zimbabwe's freedom.

Zimbabwe emerged out of the authoritarian and racist state established by the British a century previously. In 1890 the territory was marked out and handed to the imperialist adventurer Cecil Rhodes, who controlled the area for his British South Africa Company.

The following 40 years witnessed the mass expropriation of land from peasant farmers, the repression of any resistance, and forced labour in mines and factories. Thousands of Africans were forced off their land and herded into "communal lands", or reservations.

In 1962 the Rhodesian Front, a right wing party headed by the racist

Ian Smith, won power. Smith declared independence from Britain in 1965, in what was called a Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

The decision to declare independence was made in the context of the growth of resistance in Rhodesia and rising politicisation.

Smith ruled with an iron fist. His government killed thousands of so-called terrorists and herded rural Zimbabweans into concentration camps to cut them off from the nationalist freedom fighters.

Robert Gabriel Mugabe was among a group of radical nationalists that formed the Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu) in 1963. He showed his personal commitment to the struggle he spent the decade from 1964 in a variety of prison camps and jails.

By the end of 1978 the united nationalist armed forces were somewhere between 35,000 and 40,000 strong. The government's forces were engaged on approximately six fronts, with martial law imposed throughout the whole country.

In 1980 liberation had been won. Mugabe was the radical voice of Zimbabwean freedom, promising before independence that "none of the white exploiters will be allowed to keep an acre of their land".

He vowed to end the massive inequalities in Zimbabwean society where more than 80 percent of industrial production was controlled by foreign capital and only 4,000 mostly white farmers controlled 70 percent of the most fertile land.

In the early 1980s the new government increased spending on health and education. Enrolment increased in primary education from 1.2 million in 1980 to more than 2.2 million by 1989, and in secondary schools from only 74,000 to 671,000 in the same period.

Arthur Mutambara, now a leader of the MDC opposition, remembers how he worshipped Mugabe, "He was my hero, I used to idolise him. I was sold to the socialist agenda and Zanu was our party of revolution."

But independence in Zimbabwe had been won on strict conditions. The 1979 Lancaster House agreement that led directly to independence guaranteed that the property rights of the white majority would be safeguarded.

Mugabe left the farmers untouched. They were now not the "colonialists" and "imperialists" but rather useful allies to the regime.

The compromises, delays and ultimately the failure to confront the issue of redistribution were representative of Mugabe's general approach.

He preached reconciliation with his old enemies, "If yesterday I fought you as an enemy, today you have become a friend. If yesterday you hated me, today you cannot avoid the love that binds you to me and me to you."

As one person observed, "Despite its Marxist-Leninist rhetoric the Zanu-PF government tried to preserve the largely white-owned productive structures."

The old structures of state repression remained intact.

Zanu massacred black opponents in Matabeleland, in the south of the country. It has been estimated that between 1981 and 1988 between 10,000 and 20,000 "dissidents"' were killed.

The main trade union federation, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), was packed with Mugabe's friends.

However, by the mid-1980s the economy had begun to stagnate. From 1986 per capita GDP declined rapidly. Loans from the World Bank were accepted by the government, causing foreign debt to rise from £400 million in 1980 to £1.5 billion in 1990.

The government introduced the first full Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) in 1991.

Following similar and similarly disastrous programmes in most of Africa, the World Bank and the IMF insisted on the removal of import controls, changes to what was regarded as "restrictive" labour legislation and widespread public sector reforms.

Strikes

The effects of these reforms were devastating. The year after the implementation of the ESAP saw an 11 percent fall in GDP. In 1993 unemployment reached a record 1.3 million from a total population of about 10 million.

New militancy was born out of the attacks. The old leadership of the ZCTU was replaced by a new one. In 1988 Morgan Tsvangirai a mine worker and activist became general secretary of the ZCTU.

In 1996 Zimbabwean society exploded. In August there was the first national government workers' strike. Tens of thousands came out on strike against job losses, bad working conditions and government corruption. As the strike continued it developed clearly political aims.

An elected committee of rank and file trade unionists directed the strike. Flying pickets moved from workplace to workplace arguing with workers to join the movement.

The following year saw more demonstrations and strikes than at any time since independence. As Tendai Beti, a leading activist at the time, remembers, "You could smell working class power in the air."

University students, informal traders and workers recently made redundant joined the struggle. Brian Kagoro, a student leader in 1997, recalls, "You now had students supporting their parents on their grants, because their parents had been laid off work. As poverty increased you had a convergence of these forces."

Former fighters from the guerrilla war against the Rhodesian state became galvanised by the mass upheavals. These war veterans denounced Mugabe.

The ZCTU repeatedly sought to lead and direct the mass movement. Rank and file activists, often organising in labour forums where large groups of workers met to discuss politics rushed ahead of union bureaucrats in organising strikes and demonstrations.

From 1998 a recurrent theme of the labour forums was the demand for the ZCTU to form a workers' party.

Finally in September 1999 the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was born, and Morgan Tsvangirai became the movement's first leader. The MDC was formed directly out of the ZCTU, promising redistribution of wealth to the poor. The mood in the country was jubilant.

The party almost won the parliamentary election in 2000, winning 57 of 120 elected seats. The fact that it came close to toppling such a violent regime after having only existed for 16 months is an indication of the extent of the changes that were sweeping Zimbabwean society.

The MDC retained a working class base, but various NGOs, academics, businessmen and lawyers had added their voices to the calls for a new opposition. So the demands for a new party carried a contradiction.

On the one hand they came from the labour forums and the streets, who wanted an end to privatisation, anti-union laws and the power of big business.

But on the other hand pressure was mounted by the middle class and some sections of business who were threatened by the movement they now sought to co-opt.

Mugabe was attacked by the masses, but he had also angered the global powers. The IMF and World Bank shunned the regime, arguing it had caved in too easily to "sectional interests".

Mugabe realised that the regime had to move quickly, and government rhetoric began to lambast "Western racism".

Land was key to this reorientation. The government sanctioned the occupation by war veterans of white-owned farms.

Before long Mugabe had outmanoeuvred the opposition in his party and won most of the regime behind his new "left wing" stance. He remarketed himself as a leader of the fight against imperialism and globalisation.

But his partial withdrawal from structural adjustment was a cynical move forced on him by popular resistance and working class struggles.

The reality for most Zimbabweans has been a continuation of the same policies while the regime mouths platitudes about "foreign powers".

Privatisation continues and the cost of fuel and food rises, while land is redistributed mainly to a coterie of Mugabe's cronies.

Over the past three years Gideon Gono, the Reserve Bank governor, has rolled out an unforgiving programme of neoliberal reforms that have slashed subsidies to the poor, while resuming debt repayments to the International Monetary Fund. Mugabe has given the governor his full support.

Millions face a daily struggle to survive, as unemployment has reached 80 percent.

Morgan Tsvangirai has repeatedly threatened to remove Mugabe by extra-parliamentary activity if he refuses to go legally. But the path to this action has been blocked by a combination of repression and economic crisis.

The regime has unleashed a wave of terror, which has helped to paralyse the MDC.

Militants

Madzewo Chimuka, general secretary of Zimbabwe's Graphical Workers Union (ZGWU), explains, "Though we organised two national strikes in 2004, the environment was incredibly difficult. We had about 50 workers who were severely beaten by police."?

The MDC remains the repository of hope for the majority of Zimbabweans, who see the party as the only way of ridding the country of Mugabe.

Behind the party is the support of a generation of working class militants, who formed the movement in 1999 and stand firmly with it.

Canwell Muchadya, president of the ZGWU, expresses the difficulties for

the opposition today. He said, "There is no rule of law and no jobs in Zimbabwe, so for the opposition to say to workers, 'Come, let's fight' is very difficult because people will respond, 'I will be beaten by the police and lose my job'."?

Real improvements for Zimbabwe's workers and peasants will not come from the authoritarian neoliberalism of Mugabe. Nor will they come from the policies of George Bush and Tony Blair, those false friends of freedom who claim to want democracy in Zimbabwe.

Mugabe can be removed by a coup in his own party, by pressure from the West, or by a movement from below.

The fight is to achieve that final option, where workers and peasants mobilise and shape the fall of Mugabe in a way that benefits the majority rather than the imperialist world order.

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ZIM: A LOSING GAME AS LONG AS RGM HOLDS ALL THE CARDS!

2007-04-10T13:56:00.001+02:00

Zimbabwe: A Losing Game As Long As Mugabe Holds All the Cards


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Business Day (Johannesburg)

http://allafrica.com/stories/200704100223.html

OPINION

April 10, 2007

Posted to the web April 10, 2007

Karima Brown
Johannesburg

WHEN Father Oskar Wermter of the Catholic communications secretariat in Harare said at the weekend that "oppression is not negotiable, it must stop before there can be any dialogue," he summed up a very basic requirement if engagement between the government and the opposition in Zimbabwe is to bear any fruit.

A pastoral message penned by the Catholic Bishops' Conference in Zimbabwe, posted at churches around the country, expresses grave concern over the thuggery that passes for political process in Zimbabwe. "As the suffering population becomes more insistent, generating more and more pressure through boycotts, strikes, demonstrations and uprisings, the state responds with ever harsher oppression through arrests, detentions, banning orders, beatings and torture," the letter reads.

The concern not only highlights the continued violence, beatings and intimidation that have come to characterise Zanu (PF)'s political culture, it exposes the weakness of President Thabo Mbeki's insistence that there be "no preconditions" to proposed negotiations in Zimbabwe following the renewal of his mandate as facilitator by the Southern African Development Community.

That there must be dialogue between Zanu (PF) and all the factions of the movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and other civil society formations is not disputed. But as in any negotiating process, levelling the playing field is crucial if the negotiations are to have any credibility, especially when power is disproportionately concentrated in the hands of any one of the parties involved in the conflict, as is the case in Zimbabwe.

As the ruling party, Zanu (PF) has total control over the apparatus of the state, including the police, intelligence services and the army and, judging from reports, it has deployed these forces in its political war against the opposition with a large degree of impunity. One would have thought that as a part of the African National Congress (ANC) negotiating team during negotiations with the apartheid state prior to 1994, Mbeki, of all people, would know this. I wonder how Mbeki proposes the MDC negotiates with Zanu (PF) when government-aided goons beat up citizens at rallies and throw them in jail for holding demonstrations. How does one conduct talks with a government that thinks it is a democracy because it went through the charade of holding fraudulent elections?

Ironically, Mbeki pondered the same point in a recent interview with the Financial Times, when he said: "You see, President Mugabe and the leadership of Zanu (PF) believe they are running a democratic country. That's why you have an elected opposition, that's why it's possible for the opposition to run municipal government (in Harare and Bulawayo)."

In that same week, MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai (also beaten up by Mugabe's henchmen) said Mugabe had attempted to "behead" the opposition movement and that any dialogue between the MDC and government needed to be "transparent".

And while Mugabe and his cohorts might want to extract political capital from the US state department's candid admission that it was "assisting" opposition groups in Zimbabwe as proof of their long held belief that their political woes are all really as a result of an "imperialist conspiracy" orchestrated by the west, South African diplomats know that flagging "foreign involvement", as Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Aziz Pahad tried to do a couple of weeks ago, is nothing but a red herring.

Relevant Links

Southern Africa
Zimbabwe
South Africa
Human Rights

Surely SA, which received generous aid and solidarity from governments and organisations around the world during its freedom struggle, cannot complain about the involvement of "foreign" forces in Zimbabwe. Moreover, given our own recent cosy relationship with the "imperial west", the argument becomes even more bizarre. For those who have forgotten, SA was as recently as last year party to the US practice of rendition, when the government deported Khalid Mahmood Rashid to Pakistan. Respected investigative journalist Stephen Grey eloquently outlines SA's shady involvement with America's so-called "war on terror" in the preface to the South African edition of his book, Ghost Plane. "It emerged that Rashid's deportation was no ordinary transfer. Seized in a raid, and given no opportunity to make any legal kind of challenge, Rashid was bundled on board an executive Gulfstream II jet and flown away from the Waterkloof air base outside Pretoria. It was a real surprise that such a liberal South African government should take no account of the fate that awaited Rashid in a Pakistani prison."

Foreign policy, whether in the case of Zimbabwe or the Middle East, simply cannot be conducted outside the rule of law and democratic principle.

--Brown is political editor

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"ROBERT MUGABE HAS NOWHERE TO HIDE!"

2007-04-10T10:37:00.001+02:00

http://mensnewsdaily.com/2007/04/08/mugabe-nowhere-to-hide/

Political leaders can get away, literally, with all sorts of misdemeanors if the conditions are right and they have enough of a protective screen. We saw that with Kennedy and Roosevelt - both of whom were carefully shielded by the media when they were in power. We saw that on a much larger scale when Stalin was in power in the Soviet Union. The same might be said of the
Chinese leadership for many years after World War 2.

In his first 15 years of leadership in Zimbabwe, Mr. Mugabe got away with genocidal activities on a scale not seen in the years of the civil war in Zimbabwe. He is also associated with the deaths under mysterious circumstances of many of his own comrades including Chitepo, Tongogara and Nyagumbo. Had he retired in 1995, all of that might have been forgotten and
he may have been allowed to sail off into the sunset of his days, it was not to be.

Since 1996 the world community has placed his regime under scrutiny and he has been judged and found guilty of many of the excesses he may have committed earlier but was able to escape direct association and condemnation. Duped by his own sense of invincibility he has now thrown caution to the wind and is lashing out at all who are perceived to be his enemies - and we are many. This may be understandable, but it is a mistake.

We were all plunged into the slough of despond last week when he arrived back from Dar es Salaam, strutted onto the stage at the Zanu PF headquarters and seemed to be able to brush the SADC off his shoulders and at the same time sweep aside his domestic Zanu PF adversaries. But we now know that he presented a very distorted view of the SADC summit and its outcome.

We understand from many sources that the SADC summit was unusual for many reasons - it was summoned in a matter of days, the Heads of State for 11 of the 14 countries attended and the others were represented at a senior level. All Heads of State participated and were united in their criticism of the manner in which the opposition in Zimbabwe was being treated and on the issue of the seriousness of the Zimbabwe crisis. They uniformly demanded that the roots of the crisis be tackled without any further delay.

The picture of Mugabe that emerges from these reports is not the one we see - a swaggering arrogant tyrant, threatening dire consequences to all whodare threatened his hegemony over political power. We understand he actually accepted that Morgan Tsvangirai had been wrongly treated whilst in custody and that "those responsible" should be brought to book! He also accepted the need to bring the crisis in Zimbabwe under some sort of control and get the
country back on its feet. He accepted without a quibble the appointment of Mr. Mbeki as the SADC "point man" or facilitator in mediation between the MDC (never in my lifetime) and Zanu PF.

In recent days more details have emerged - both Mr. Mbeki and the South African Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs have stated that they are preparing to take up the cudgels on behalf of the SADC leadership and initiate the long awaited talks between the MDC and Zanu PF. They have clearly stated that they are meeting the MDC and have asked them to put their demands for changes that might lead to a free and fair election in March 2008 in writing. They have indicated that once these are in place they will be taking up these issues with Zanu PF.

They have stated very clearly that no party will be allowed to walk away from the talks and that they expect compromise. They also state that the objective is to ensure that the March 2008 elections are free and fair and democratic - to the satisfaction of all stakeholders.

Well, that is all we have been asking for - get the talks going and make sure no one walks out and we will produce an agreement that could yield such an outcome. The only stumbling block being the fact that a free and fair election would signal the death knell of Zanu PF.

I have many friends who say to me that is not so, that Zanu has a constituency and that they can never be taken for granted. I agree they should never be discounted as a political entity, but if the people of Zimbabwe were given a genuine, free and fair election and Zanu PF was denied the capacity or opportunity to do its normal "thing", it remains my view that they would be defeated massively.

So Mr. Mbeki, it is over to you. We wait to see if you can handle a bout in the ring with Robert Gabriel Mugabe. I have no doubt that Mbeki has the power and the capacity but in this game it is willpower that so often makes the differences. Mugabe has his back to the wall and after this week he knows what he is up against. That makes him a very dangerous adversary.

While this has been unfolding, the thugs in the present regime have been having a field day. 30 to 50 MDC leaders a day have been abducted from their homes and places of work, beaten and then dumped. Several have died from the beatings and many others are receiving medical treatment. It is clear that this has been a carefully planned and executed programme. There have been many petrol bombings and these are being uniformly blamed on the MDC even
though we are clearly not involved in any way. The objective is to tear apart the structures of the MDC and terrify everyone who is in any way associated with the MDC.

Last week the strike went off reasonably well - I drove through the City of Bulawayo on the Tuesday morning and most industrial firms were closed and about half the retail stores. The Banks were all open. The City was very quiet. It was less effective in Harare and in the smaller centers.

We do not get the sense of how serious the economic collapse here is until you visit South Africa. I was in SA for a few days this week and came back on the eve of Easter. The roads out of Johannesburg were packed - nose to tail all the way. Then when I got to the border there were thousands of Zimbabweans trying to get home for the long weekend. It took me 3 and half hours to clear the border. On the Zimbabwe side there was little traffic - the traffic going south was virtually nil.

If we are going to have to negotiate with Zanu PF and then oversee an agreement that will usher in the necessary conditions for free and fair elections in 11 months time, we are going to have our hands full. But at least we will be doing something positive.

Eddie Cross

Bulawayo,

8th April 2007

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"ZIMBABWE'S ROAD TO DICTATORSHIP" by Itayi Garande.

2007-04-09T14:22:00.001+02:00

Zimbabwe's road to dictatorship

02.APR.07

www.talkzimbabwe.com

As the Zanu PF Central Committee makes landmark decisions to strengthen the dictatorship, it is perhaps timely to assess the state of affairs in Zimbabwe. In sharp contrast to media opinion, the country is at a 'turning point', not a 'tipping point'.

For those who have never visited Zimbabwe, or who travelled Zimbabwe during better times, the country that is supposed to represent the aspirations of the black people is now a hollow shell of its former colonial self.

A trip to Highfield and Mbare townships in Harare, Zimbabwe's capital, where the liberation struggle started, you will quickly notice that they have become a security bivouac. The shopping centres that once served the black Zimbabwean communities, the beautiful streets built during pre-Mugabe times, the parks that housed beautiful birds and play centres for kids, are largely gone. They have been replaced by dangerous potholes, menacing CIO SUVs, fearsome squad cars, and security "men in black" armed to the teeth, some speaking the local language, others barely uttering a word in local vernacular or English.

If you listen to the Zimbabwe state broadcaster, you will quickly hear the fading voice of Robert Mugabe uttering an over-rehearsed familiar speech punctuated by, and dotted with, words like: 'unholy men' [Tony Blair and George Bush] , 'imperialists', 'sell-outs'. These are reminiscent of the period when Africa was fighting colonialism. Yet Mugabe still uses these words to fight his latest 'struggle'. The difference this time is that this struggle is not against Ian Smith, it's against his own people, the people who voted him into power in 1980, and anyone else who threatens his dictatorship.

Zimbabwean people, in 1980, celebrated what they termed 'freedom'. Little did they know that a shrewd and vicious Mugabe, who was celebrating with them, had a different agenda which would manifest itself in a few years time.

By suggesting that Tony Blair and George W. Bush are 'unholy man' Mugabe is implying that he is the 'holy' one. Fascists, imperialists, and colonialists throughout history have tried to invoke God's name in justifying their ambitions. The Mugabe regime is no different and hopefully it will meet the same fate as its fascist and imperial antecedents. The tell-tale signs are already there.

Police sirens constantly wail in the nation's capital and its 'black' neighbourhoods. A Zanu PF 'friend' of ours has reported that Zimbabwe Republic Police have been instructed to turn on their sirens for no reason, and roam the streets of Highfield and Mbare townships, with their ammunition in clear view - a psychological deterrent to would-be activists. Add the sirens to the arbitrary arrest and harassment of civilians and you realise you no longer live in the capital of a country you fought hard for, but some bizarre Twilight Zone version of the capital city of Zimbabwe in its death throes after some sort of nuclear cataclysm. And like in the TV series Twilight Zone, the events in Zimbabwe often end with an eerie or unexpected twist, for example the illegal detention, harassment, and denial of food to Mrs Merjury Zenda, an 65 year old woman held at Harare Central Police station. She was denied food for four days. Or the brutal murder of Gift Tandare.

Neighbouring South Africa now appears more and more like a drop-in centre for the destitute. It represents a land that is still largely free -- and is rapidly becoming home to a growing number of Zimbabwean émigrés, but is under increased political pressure from the dictators in Zimbabwe to adopt totalitarian ways. Mbeki is already exhibiting these tendencies in his own party and country.

Zimbabwe's poor people, increasing in numbers, have been forcibly moved away from places and shacks where they once found refuge. The 'ghost city' of Harare has been emptied of many of its homeless and poor "residents," while other townships around the country are now largely devoid of the homeless. Where have they gone? It is a question that is often asked around Zimbabwe these days, but many fear the answer they might receive.

The state-controlled The Herald newspaper has become nothing more than a version of the old Soviet-era paper 'Pravda' - a leading newspaper of the Soviet Union and an official organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party between 1918 and 1991. In fact, The Herald's nickname should be "Zanu PF Pravda". Rather than investigate the latest state brutality and the brutal murder of MDC activist, Gift Tandare, The Herald continues to sycophantically treat the Mugabe regime as a legitimate, run-of-the-mill administration-publishing puff pieces on Mugabe's pathetic speeches of defiance and his ludicrous birthday pictures.

The Herald acts as a virtual public relations agent for the dictatorship, with Mugabe's spin-doctor's secret column taking precedence over any other column in the daily. Writing as 'Nathaniel Manheru', spin-doctor George Charamba, is now beginning to sound as pathetic as his role model President Mugabe.

Instead of concentrating on the myriad scandals that envelop the Mugabe regime, The Herald and Zimbabwe Television (ZTV) broadcasters conduct propaganda-oriented interviews with the dictatorial political leadership. Reporters allow the geriatric leader to spit venom on his own people and sound ridiculous on national television. As journalists they sound more pathetic than Mugabe.

Creating enemies you need

It's the oldest trick in the book, dating back to Roman times; creating the enemies you need.

Governments routinely rely on hoaxes to sell their agendas to an otherwise reluctant public. The Romans accepted the Emperors and the Germans accepted Hitler not because they wanted to, but because the carefully crafted illusions of threat appeared to leave no other choice. Mugabe as crafty as he is, is beginning to rely on hoaxes to sell his agenda.

A few days before the Central Committee meeting entrenching Zimbabwe into a de facto dictatorship, his police chief, Wayne Bvudzijena charged the opposition with attempted murder in connection with nine petrol bombings; illegal possession of a firearm and possession of explosives without a license.

Zanu PF is beginning to use hoaxes to create the illusion that We The People have no choice if we are to be defended from 'MDC thugs', but to go the direction the government wishes us to go. How about the death of Gift Tandare? Let's talk about that first before we talk about 'attempted murder' charges.

The Herald editor reminds me of an interesting story.

In 1898, Joseph Pulitzer's New York World and William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal were arguing for American intervention in Cuba. Hearst is reported to have dispatched a photographer to Cuba to photograph the coming war with Spain. When the photographer asked just what war that might be, Hearst is reported to have replied, "You take the photographs, and I will provide the war". Hearst was true to his word, as his newspaper published stories of great atrocities being committed against the Cuban people, most of which turned out to be complete fabrications.

The media has a capacity to transform people's minds and values and the threat posed by the MDC on the Mugabe regime has been over-exaggerated by the state media. 'MDC terrorists' are said to pose a serious threat to the government.

On closer examination, these "domestic terrorists", who according to Mugabe have necessitated changes in legislation, are not what they are made out to be. What threat would the MDC pose on the Mugabe regime? Afterall, his army has been strengthened by Angolan 'ninjas' and 'Dad's Army' has come on-board. The war veterans have been drafted into the Zimbabwe Republic Army. His dreaded youth militia is in full force in the country.

So, here we are today. Like the Germans under a newly elected Hitler, we are being warned that a dangerous enemy threatens us, implacable, omnipresent, and invulnerable. Already Mugabe has told us that "extraordinary measures" (i.e. torture, extra-judicial killings) are fully justified under 'these dangerous circumstances' we are purported to be facing from the MDC.

As was the case in Germany, the government continues to plead with the public for an expansion of its power and authority, to "deal with the crisis" the MDC crisis.

Endorsement by the Central Committee

The recent endorsement of Mugabe's candidature for the 2008 presidential elections is a turning point in the political history of Zimbabwe. It strengthens the dictatorship and by extending the number of seats in the two Houses of Parliament, Mugabe has secured his leadership for a long time to come. The Central Committee proved its creativity in holding on to power. The Senate will be 100% appointed, rather tahn elected, and some ministers without portfolio appointed as MPs directly by the President. Mugabe will have a majority in the House by default.

Zanu PF no longer needs the mandate of the people to rule Zimbabwe. Elected members of parliament are no longer important in decision-making as the Central Committee is now acting as a parliament. The extension of constituencies and number of MPs sitting in parliament, should be the prerogative of the sitting parliament.

In a recent article, I wrote, "It would be presumptuous to suggest that Mugabe is now folding -- the events look really bad, but this man has a way of dodging the most difficult of situations."

I also said, "The Zanu PF party is very large, basically Stalinist in organisation and has successfully held power for a long time, over 26 years. You don't get to do that by populating the party apparatus with idiots. Instead, you populate it with thugs. Beyond that, the thugs are organised in a manner designed to maintain a tight grip on power."

The Central Committee thugs went to work yesterday, March 30 2007, and crafted other ways to maintain the dictatorship.

I still hold the assumption that chnaces are zero that Mugabe is folding and the country hasn't reached a 'tipping point' yet.

The latest decisions made by the Zanu PF Central Committee are proof that there's long been an undercurrent of authoritarianism in Zimbabwean politics. Many members of the Central Committee seem morally outraged by anybody who can count higher than two. This 'League of Old Gentlemen' seems to think that being anti-torture makes one unpatriotic or that it's un-Zimbabwean to oppose state terror and state violence including extrajudicial killings. Many of them take grim pleasure in identifying the enemy as someone who supports democracy and lives in the West, making the problem a problem of 'Western imperialism'just how they like it.

There are many ways to characterize such views, but patriotic isn't one of them. There's nothing patriotic about a lynch mob.

We are almost there

Zimbabweans, we are almost there, although Mugabe is not folding. He will self-destruct. He will find it hard to hold on to a system that self-crumbles. Most Zimbabweans are more pragmatic than ideological. They want a government that works. By any reasonable measure, one-party Zanu PF government has been a disaster. On almost every issue, from education the economy Mugabe has substituted dogma for reality, party loyalty for competence.

The results range from comical to catastrophic. We should realise that Mugabe will lead the country to total collapse. We are in a lot of trouble.

What remains unclear is how many Zimbabweans can see through Mugabe's lies about the crisis in the country. Zimbabweans should realise that it is legitimate to question just how real the crisis is, and how much is the result of political machinations by his ruling Zanu PF party.

Is terrorism inside Zimbabwe really from the opposition MDC, or is it a stage managed production, designed to cause Zimbabweans to believe they have no choice but to accept the totalitarian rule of the Zanu PF 'Fuhrer'?

Once lost, the Germans never got their Republic back. In this case, the nation had to totally collapse before freedom was restored to the people. Should we wait for Zimbabwe to totally collapse before freedom is restored to the people?

CLICK HERE FOR A PDF VERSION OF THE ARTICLE

Itayi Garande is the editor of TalkZimbabwe.com He can be contacted at itayig@hotmail.com

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TSVANGIRAI'S WARNING ABOUT WORLD CUP TAKEN SERIOUSLY!

2007-04-09T12:03:00.001+02:00

South Africa World cup organizers worried about Zimbabwe!

The 2010 World Cup Local Organising Committee in South Africa has said the political unrest in Zimbabwe will disturb the World Cup in 2010.

http://worldcuptalk.blogspot.com/2007/04/south-africa-world-cup-organizers.html

http://zimdaily.com/news/117/ARTICLE/1525/2007-04-04.html

The 2010 FIFA World Cup Organising Committee's Chairman, Irvin Khoza has expressed concern over Zimbabwe.

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LOC chairperson Irvin Khoza acknowledged that Zimbabwe's political crisis needed to be solved urgently to ensure that the 2010 World Cup in South Africa was not interrupted.

He was concerned about the crisis in Zimbabwe as the country was one of the proposed camping bases for teams participating in the World Cup.

"Yes, we are concerned about the spill-over in terms of the security reasons for the 2010 World Cup. The matter has to obviously be solved urgently as Zimbabwe is one of the proposed basing camps for the World Cup," said Khoza.

On Monday, Zimbabwean opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai warned that the crisis in Zimbabwe could blight the pride Africa had taken in South Africa being selected to host the 2010 World cup.

Said Khoza: "We are happy that Tsvangirai himself has expressed confidence in our president and we ourselves are confident that our president will be able to broker the situation before the 2010 World Cup."

As part of the safety campaigns for 2010, South Africa 's police commissioner Jackie Selebi proposed to the safety and security committee in parliament last week that prostitution and public drinking be legalised.

He said it did not make sense to arrest all the prostitutes or fans drinking in public and suggested that government adopt innovate ways of controlling public drinking and prostitution.

His comments have been slated by opposition parties and Doctors for Life International, who said his suggestions were "appalling".

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